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brought him great fame

  • 1 fame

    [feɪm]
    n
    слава, известность, популярность

    His first book brought him fame. — Его первая книга принесла ему известность

    - international fame
    - undying fame
    - great fame
    - smb's fame as a poet
    - at the height of one's fame
    - gain fame
    - seek fame

    English-Russian combinatory dictionary > fame

  • 2 AFLA

    * * *
    (að), v.
    1) to gain, earn, procure (afla e-m e-s);
    afla sér fjár ok frama, to earn fame and wealth;
    aflaði þessi bardagi honum mikillar frægðar, brought him great fame;
    2) with acc., to earn (aflaði hann þar fé mikit);
    refl., e-m aflast e-t, one gains a thing;
    3) with dat., to perform, accomplish (hann aflaði brátt mikilli vinnu);
    with infin., to be able (ekki aflar hann því at standa í móti yður).
    * * *
    að, [cp. Swed. afvel, breed, slock: Dan. avling, farming; avlsgaard, farm; faareavl, qvægavl, breed of sheep or cattle. In Norse (mod.) avle is to harvest; Swed. afla, to beget. In the Icel. verb afla the idea of producing or gathering prevails, whereas the nouns branch off; the weak afli chiefly denotes produce, means, stores, resources, troops, forces; the strong one—afl— force alone. Yet such phrases as ramr at afli indicate something besides the mere notion of strength. In the mod. Scandin. idioms—Dan., Swed., Norse—there are no traces left of the idea of ‘force:’ cp. the Lat. opes and copiae. The Icel. spelling and pronunciation with bl (abl) is modern, perhaps from the time of the Reformation: cp. the words efla etc. with a changed vowel. The root is OP-, as shown in Lat. ope, ŏpes, the ŏ being changed into a?].
    I. with gen. of the thing, to gain, acquire, earn, procure; vandara at gæta fengins fjár en afla þess (a proverb); þá bjöggu þeir skip ok öfluðu manna til, got men to man it, Eg. 170.
    β. the phrase, afla sér fjár ok frægðar, to earn fame and wealth, of young heroes going sea-roving; fóru um sumarit í víking ok öfluðu sér fjár, Eg. 4; afla sér fjár ok frama, Fs. 5; fjár ok virðingar, id.; hann hafði aflat sér fjár ( made money) í hólmgöngum, Eg. 49; aflaði þessi bardagi honum mikillar frægðar, brought him great fame, Fms. ii. 307; kom honum í hug, at honum mundi mikillar framkvæmdar afla, bring him great advantage, Eb. 112.
    2. as a law term, to cause, inflict a wound; ef maðr aflar einum blóðs eðr bens af heiptugri hendi, N. G. L. i. 387.
    II. with acc., mostly in unclassical writers, but now rare, to earn; aflaði hann þar fé mikit, Fms. vii. 80; aflandi þann thesaur er, 655 xxxii. i; hafit ér ok mikit í aflat, Al. 159; mun ek til hafa atferð ok eljun at afla mér annan við, to contrive, Ld. 318, where, however, the excellent vellum MS. A. M. 309, 4to, has gen.—annars viðar—more classically, as the Saga in other passages uses the gen., e. g. afla sér manna ok hrossa, to procure horses and men, l. c. little below.
    β. reflex., e-m aflask e-t, gains, Fb. 163.
    γ. absol., njót sem þú hefir aflat, of ill-earned means, Nj. 37.
    δ. part. aflandi, Njarð. 366.
    2. now used absol. to fish, always with acc.; a standing phrase in Icel., the acc. only being used in that particular connection.
    III. with dat. in the sense of to perform, manage, be able to; hann aflaði brátt mikilli vinnu, ok var hagr vel, Fms. i. 289; fyr mun hann því afla en ek færa honum höfuð mitt, it will sooner happen, Fms. iv. 291, where the Hkr. reads orka; bauð út leiðangri, sem honum þótti landit mestu mega afla, to the utmost that the country could produce, Fms. x. 118; ekki aflar harm því at standa í móti yðr, he is not man enough to stand against you, Fas. iii.

    Íslensk-ensk orðabók > AFLA

  • 3 BERA

    * * *
    I)
    (ber; bar, bárum; borinn), v.
    I.
    1) to bear, carry, convey (bar B. biskup í börum suðr í Hvamm);
    bera (farm) af skipi, to unload a ship;
    bera (mat) af borði, to take (the meat) off the table;
    bera e-t á hesti, to carry on horseback;
    2) to wear (bera klæði, vápn, kórónu);
    bera œgishjálm, to inspire fear and awe;
    3) to bear, produce, yield (jörðin berr gras; tré bera aldin, epli);
    4) to bear, give birth to, esp. of sheep and cows;
    kýr hafði borit kálf, had calved;
    absol., ván at hón mundi bera, that the cow would calve;
    the pp. is used of men; hann hafði verit blindr borinn, born blind;
    verða borinn í þenna heim, to be born into this world;
    þann sóma, sem ek em til borinn, born to;
    borinn e-m, frá e-m (rare), born of;
    Nótt var Nörvi borin, was the daughter of N.;
    borinn Sigmundi, son of S.;
    5) bera e-n afli, ofrafli, ofrliði, ofrmagni, ofríki, to bear one down, overcome, oppress, one by odds or superior force;
    bera e-n ráðum, to overrule one;
    bera e-n bjóri, to make drunk with beer;
    verða bráðum borinn, to be taken by surprise;
    borinn verkjum, overcome by pains;
    þess er borin ván, there is no hope, all hope is gone;
    borinn baugum, bribed; cf. bera fé á e-n, to bribe one;
    6) to lear, be capable of bearing (of a ship, horse, vehicle);
    þeir hlóðu bæði skipin sem borð báru, with as much as they could carry;
    fig., to sustain, support (svá mikill mannfjöldi, at landit fekk eigi borit);
    of persons, to bear up against, endure, support (grief, sorrow, etc.);
    absol., bar hann drengiliga, he bore it manfully;
    similarly, bera (harm) af sér, berast vel (illa, lítt) af;
    bar hon sköruliga af sér, she bore up bravely;
    hversu berst Auðr af um bróðurdauðann, how does she bear it?
    hon berst af lítt, she is much cast down;
    bera sik vel upp, to bear well up against;
    7) bera e-t á, e-n á hendr e-m, to charge or tax one with (eigi erum vér þess valdir, er þú berr á oss);
    bera (kvið) á e-n, to give a verdict against, declare guilty (í annat sinn báru þeir á Flosa kviðinn);
    bera af e-m (kviðinn), to give a verdict for;
    bera e-t af sér, to deny having done a thing;
    bera or bera vitni, vætti, to bear witness, testify;
    bera or bera um e-t, to give a verdict in a case;
    bera e-n sannan at sök, to prove guilty by evidence;
    bera e-n undan sök, to acquit;
    bera í sundr frændsemi þeirra, to prove (by evidence) that they are not relations;
    refl. (pass.), berast, to be proved by evidence (þótt þér berist þat faðerni, er þú segir);
    8) to set forth, report, tell;
    bera e-m kveðju (orð, orðsending), to bring one a greeting, compliments (word, message);
    bera or bera fram erindi sín fyrir e-n, to state (tell) one’s errand or to plead one’s case before one;
    bera e-m njósn, to apprise one;
    bera e-t upp, to produce, mention, tell;
    bera upp erindi sín, to state one’s errand;
    bera saman ráð sín, to consult together;
    eyddist það ráð, er þeir báru saman, which they had designed;
    9) to keep, hold, bear, of a title (bera jarlnafn, konnungsnafn);
    bera (eigi) giptu, gæfu, hammingju, auðnu til e-s, (not) to have the good fortune to do a thing (bar hann enga gæfu til at þjóna þér);
    bera vit, skyn, kunnáttu á e-t, to have knowledge of, uniderstanding about;
    bera hug, áræði, þor, traust til e-s, to have courage, confidence to do a thing;
    bera áhyggju fyrir e-u, to be concerned about;
    bera ást, elsku, hatr til e-s, to bear affection, love, hatred to;
    10) to bear off or away, carry off (some gain);
    bera sigr af e-m, af e-u, to carry off the victory from or in;
    hann hafði borit sigr af tveim orustum, he had been victorious in two battles;
    bera hærra (lægra) hlut to get the best (the worst) of it;
    bera efra (hærra) skjöld, to gain the victory;
    bera hátt (lágt) höfuðit, to bear the head high (low), to be in high (low) spirits;
    bera halann bratt, lágt, to cock up or let fall the tail, to be in high or low spirits;
    11) with preps.:
    bera af e-m, to surpass;
    en þó bar Bolli af, surpassed all the rest;
    bera af sér högg, lag to ward off, parry a blow or thrust;
    bera eld at, to set fire to;
    bera fjötur (bönd) at e-m, to put fetters (bonds) on one;
    bera á or í, to smear, anoint (bera vatn í augu sér, bera tjöru í höfuð sér);
    bera e-t til, to apply to, to try if it fits (bera til hvern lykil af öðrum at portinu);
    bera e-t um, to wind round;
    þá bar hann þá festi um sik, made it fast round his body;
    bera um með e-n, to bear with, have patience with;
    bera út barn, to expose a child;
    12) refl., berast mikit (lítit) á, to bear oneself proudly (humbly);
    láta af berast, to die;
    láta fyrir berast e-s staðar, to stay, remain in a place (for shelter);
    berast e-t fyrir, to design a thing (barst hann þat fyrir at sjá aldregi konur);
    at njósna um, hvat hann bærist fyrir, to inquire into what he was about;
    berast vápn á, to attack one another;
    berast at or til, to happen;
    þat barst at (happened) á einhverju sumri;
    ef svá harðliga kann til at berast, if that misfortune does happen;
    berast í móti, to happen, occur;
    hefir þetta vel í móti borizt, it is a happy coincidence;
    berast við, to be prevented;
    ok nú lét almáttugr guð við berast kirkjubrunann, prevented, stopped the burning of the church;
    II. impers., denoting a sort of passive or involuntary motion;
    alla berr at sama brunni, all come to the same well (end);
    bar hann (acc.) þá ofan gegnt Ösuri, he happened to come down just opposite to Ö.;
    esp. of ships and sailors; berr oss (acc.) til Íslands eða annarra landa, we drift to Iceland or other countries;
    þá (acc.) bar suðr í haf, they were carried out southwards;
    Skarpheðin (acc.) bar nú at þeim, S. came suddenly upon them;
    ef hann (acc.) skyldi bera þar at, if he should happen to come there;
    e-n berr yfir, one is borne onwards, of a bird flying, a man riding;
    hann (acc.) bar skjótt yfir, it passed quickly (of a flying meteor);
    2) followed by preps.:
    Gunnar sér, at rauðan kyrtil bar við glugginn, that a red kirtle passed before the window;
    hvergi bar skugga (acc.) á, there was nowhere a shadow;
    e-t berr fram (hátt), is prominent;
    Ólafr konungr stóð í lyptingu ok bar hann (acc.) hátt mjök, stood out conspicuously;
    e-t berr á milli, comes between;
    leiti (acc.) bar á milli, a hill hid the prospect;
    fig. e-m berr e-t á milli, they are at variance about a thing;
    mart (acc.) berr nú fyrir augu mér, many things come now before my eyes;
    veiði (acc.) berr í hendr e-m, game falls to one’s lot;
    e-t berr undan, goes amiss, fails;
    bera saman, to coincide;
    bar nöfn þeirra saman, they had the same name;
    fig., with dat.; bar öllum sögum vel saman, all the stories agreed well together;
    fund várn bar saman, we met;
    3) bera at, til, við, at hendi, til handa, to befall, happen, with dat. of the person;
    svá bar at einn vetr, it happened one winter;
    þó at þetta vandræði (acc.) hafi nú borit oss (dat.) at hendi, has befallen us;
    bar honum svá til, it so befell him;
    þat bar við (it so happened), at Högni kom;
    raun (acc.) berr á, it is proved by fact;
    4) of time, to fall upon;
    ef þing (acc.) berr á hina helgu viku, if the parliament falls in the holy week;
    bera í móti, to coincide, happen exactly at the same time;
    5) denoting cause;
    e-t berr til, causes a thing;
    konungr spurði, hvat til bæri úgleði hans, what was the cause of his grief;
    ætluðu þat þá allir, at þat mundi til bera, that that was the reason;
    berr e-m nauðsyn til e-s, one is obliged to do a thing;
    6) e-t berr undir e-n, falls to a person’s lot;
    hon á arf at taka, þegar er undir hana berr, in her turn;
    e-t berr frá, is surpassing;
    er sagt, at þat (acc.) bæri frá, hvé vel þeir mæltu, it was extraordinary how well they spoke;
    7) e-t berr bráðum, happens of a sudden;
    e-t berr stóru, stórum (stœrrum), it amounts to much (more), it matters a great deal (more), it is of great (greater) importance;
    8) absol. or with an adv., vel, illa, with infin.;
    e-m berr (vel, illa) at gera e-t, it becomes, beseems one (well, ill) to do a thing (berr yðr vel, herra, at sjá sannindi á þessu máli);
    used absol., berr vel, illa, it is beseeming, proper, fit, or unbeseeming, improper, unfit (þat þykkir eigi illa bera, at).
    (að), v. to make bare (hon beraði likam sinn).
    * * *
    1.
    u, f.
    I. [björn], a she-bear, Lat. ursa; the primitive root ‘ber’ remains only in this word (cp. berserkr and berfjall), björn (q. v.) being the masc. in use, Landn. 176, Fas. i. 367, Vkv. 9: in many Icel. local names, Beru-fjörðr, -vík, from Polar bears; fem. names, Bera, Hallbera, etc., Landn.
    II. a shield, poët., the proverb, baugr er á beru sæmstr, to a shield fits best a baugr (q. v.), Lex. Poët., Edda (Gl.); hence names of poems Beru-drápa, Eg.
    2.
    bar, báru, borit, pres. berr,—poët. forms with the suffixed negative; 3rd pers. sing. pres. Indic. berrat, Hm. 10; 3rd pers. sing. pret. barat, Vellekla; 1st pers. sing. barkak, Eb. 62 (in a verse); barkat ek, Hs. 8; 2nd pers. sing. bartattu; 3rd pers. pl. bárut, etc., v. Lex. Poët. [Gr. φέρειν; Lat. ferre; Ulf. bairan; A. S. beran; Germ. gebären; Engl. bear; Swed. bära; Dan. bære].
    A. Lat. ferre, portare:
    I. prop. with a sense of motion, to bear, carry, by means of the body, of animals, of vehicles, etc., with acc., Egil tók mjöðdrekku eina mikla, ok bar undir hendi sér, Eg. 237; bar hann heim hrís, Rm. 9; konungr lét bera inn kistur tvær, báru tveir menn hverja, Eg. 310; bera farm af skipi, to unload a ship, Ld. 32; bera (farm) á skip, to load a ship, Nj. 182; tóku alla ösku ok báru á á ( amnem) út, 623, 36; ok bar þat ( carried it) í kerald, 43, K. Þ. K. 92; b. mat á borð, í stofu, to put the meat on table, in the oven; b. mat af borði, to take it off table, Eb. 36, 266, Nj. 75, Fms. ix. 219, etc.
    2. Lat. gestare, ferre, denoting to wear clothes, to carry weapons; skikkja dýr er konungr hafði borit, Eg. 318; b. kórónu, to wear the crown, Fms. x. 16; atgeir, Nj. 119; vápn, 209: metaph., b. ægishjálm, to inspire fear and awe; b. merki, to carry the flag in a battle, Nj. 274, Orkn. 28, 30, 38, Fms. v. 64, vi. 413; bera fram merki, to advance, move in a battle, vi. 406.
    3. b. e-t á hesti (áburðr), to carry on horseback; Auðunn bar mat á hesti, Grett. 107; ok bar hrís á hesti, 76 new Ed.; þeir báru á sjau hestum, 98 new Ed.
    II. without a sense of motion:
    1. to give birth to; [the root of barn, bairn; byrja, incipere; burðr, partus; and burr, filius: cp. Lat. parĕre; also Gr. φέρειν, Lat. ferre, of child-bearing.] In Icel. prose, old as well as mod., ‘ala’ and ‘fæða’ are used of women; but ‘bera,’ of cows and sheep; hence sauðburðr, casting of lambs, kýrburðr; a cow is snembær, siðbær, Jólabær, calves early, late, at Yule time, etc.; var ekki ván at hon ( the cow) mundi b. fyr en um várit, Bs. i. 193, 194; kýr hafði borit kálf, Bjarn. 32; bar hvárrtveggi sauðrinn sinn burð, Stj. 178: the participle borinn is used of men in a great many compds in a general sense, aptrborinn, árborinn, endrborinn, frjálsborinn, goðborinn, höldborinn, hersborinn, konungborinn, óðalborinn, samborinn, sundrborinn, velborinn, úborinn, þrælborinn, etc.; also out of compds, mun ek eigi upp gefa þann sóma, sem ek em til borinn, … entitled to by inheritance, Ld. 102; hann hafði blindr verit borinn, born blind, Nj. 152, Hdl. 34, 42, Vsp. 2: esp. borinn e-m, born of one, Rm. 39, Hdl. 12, 23, 27, Hðm. 2, Gs. 9, Vþm. 25, Stor. 16, Vkv. 15; borinn frá e-m, Hdl. 24: the other tenses are in theol. Prose used of Christ, hans blezaða son er virðist at láta berast hingað í heim af sinni blezaðri móður, Fms. i. 281; otherwise only in poetry, eina dóttur (acc.) berr álfröðull (viz. the sun, regarded as the mother), Vþm. 47; hann Gjálp um bar, hann Greip um bar …, Hdl. 36: borit (sup.), Hkv. 1. 1.
    β. of trees, flowers; b. ávöxt, blóm …, to bear fruit, flower … (freq.); bar aldinviðrinn tvennan blóma, Fms. ix. 265; cp. the phrase, bera sitt barr, v. barr.
    2. denoting to load, with acc. of the person and dat. of the thing:
    α. in prop. sense; hann hafði borit sik mjök vápnum, he had loaded himself with arms, i. e. wore heavy armour, Sturl. iii. 250.
    β. but mostly in a metaph. sense; b. e-n ofrafli, ofrmagni, ofrliði, ofríki, magni, to bear one down, to overcome, oppress one, by odds or superior force, Grág. i. 101, ii. 195, Nj. 80, Hkr. ii. 371, Gþl. 474, Stj. 512, Fms. iii. 175 (in the last passage a dat. pers. badly); b. e-n ráðum, to overrule one, Nj. 198, Ld. 296; b. e-n málum, to bearhim down (wrongfully) in a lawsuit, Nj. 151; b. e-n bjóri, to make drunk, Vkv. 26: medic., borinn verkjum, sótt, Bjarn. 68, Og. 5; bölvi, Gg. 2: borne down, feeling heavy pains; þess er borin ván, no hope, all hope is gone, Ld. 250; borinn sök, charged with a cause, Fms. v. 324, H. E. i. 561; bráðum borinn, to be taken by surprise, Fms. iv. 111; b. fé, gull á e-n, to bring one a fee, gold, i. e. to bribe one, Nj. 62; borinn baugum, bribed, Alvm. 5; always in a bad sense, cp. the law phrase, b. fé í dóm, to bribe a court, Grág., Nj. 240.
    3. to bear, support, sustain, Lat. sustinere, lolerare, ferre:
    α. properly, of a ship, horse, vehicle, to bear, be capable of bearing; þeir hlóðu bæði skipin sem borð báru, all that they could carry, Eb. 302;—a ship ‘berr’ ( carries) such and such a weight; but ‘tekr’ ( takes) denotes a measure of fluids.
    β. metaph. to sustain, support; dreif þannig svá mikill mannfjöldi at landit fékk eigi borit, Hkr. i. 56; but metaph. to bear up against, endure, support grief, sorrow, etc., sýndist öllum at Guð hefði nær ætlað hvat hann mundi b. mega, Bs. i. 139; biðr hann friðar ok þykist ekki mega b. reiði hans, Fms. iii. 80: the phrase, b. harm sinn í hljóði, to suffer silently; b. svívirðing, x. 333: absol., þótti honum mikit víg Kjartans, en þó bar hann drengilega, he bore it manfully, Ld. 226; er þat úvizka, at b. eigi slíkt, not to bear or put up with, Glúm. 327; b. harm, to grieve, Fms. xi. 425: in the phrases, b. sik, b. af sér, berask, berask vel (illa, lítt), to bear oneself, to bear up against misfortune; Guðrúnu þótti mikit fráfall Þorkels, en þó bar hon sköruliga af sér, she bore her bravely up, Ld. 326–328; lézt hafa spurt at ekkjan bæri vel af sér harmana, Eb. 88; berask af; hversu bersk Auðr af um bróðurdauðann? (how does she bear it?); hón bersk af lítt ( she is much borne down) ok þykir mikit, Gísl. 24; niun oss vandara gört en öðrum at vér berim oss vel (Lat. fortiter ferre), Nj. 197; engi maðr hefði þar jamvel borit sik, none bad borne himself so boldly, Sturl. iii. 132; b. sik vel upp, to bear well up against, bear a stout heart, Hrafn. 17; b. sik beiskliga ( sorely), Stj. 143; b. sik lítt, to be downcast, Fms. ii. 61; b. sik at göra e-t, to do one’s best, try a thing.
    III. in law terms or modes of procedure:
    1. bera járn, the ordeal of bearing hot iron in the hand, cp. járnburðr, skírsla. This custom was introduced into Scandinavia together with Christianity from Germany and England, and superseded the old heathen ordeals ‘hólmganga,’ and ‘ganga undir jarðarmen,’ v. this word. In Norway, during the civil wars, it was esp. used in proof of paternity of the various pretenders to the crown, Fms. vii. 164, 200, ix. Hák. S. ch. 14, 41–45, viii. (Sverr. S.) ch. 150, xi. (Jómsv. S.) ch. 11, Grett. ch. 41, cp. N. G. L. i. 145, 389. Trial by ordeal was abolished in Norway A. D. 1247. In Icel. It was very rarely mentioned, vide however Lv. ch. 23 (paternity), twice or thrice in the Sturl. i. 56, 65, 147, and Grág. i. 341, 361; it seems to have been very seldom used there, (the passage in Grett. S. l. c. refers to Norway.)
    2. bera út (hence útburðr, q. v.), to expose children; on this heathen custom, vide Grimm R. A. In heathen Icel., as in other parts of heathen Scandinavia, it was a lawful act, but seldom exercised; the chief passages on record are, Gunnl. S. ch. 3 (ok þat var þá siðvandi nokkurr, er land var allt alheiðit, at þeir menn er félitlir vórn, en stóð ómegð mjök til handa létu út bera börn sín, ok þótti þó illa gört ávalt), Fs. Vd. ch. 37, Harð. S. ch. 8, Rd. ch. 7, Landn. v. ch. 6, Finnb. ch. 2, Þorst. Uxaf. ch. 4, Hervar. S. ch. 4, Fas. i. 547 (a romance); cp. Jómsv. S. ch. 1. On the introduction of Christianity into Icel. A. D. 1000, it was resolved that, in regard to eating of horse-flesh and exposure of children, the old laws should remain in force, Íb. ch. 9; as Grimm remarks, the exposure must take place immediately after birth, before the child had tasted food of any kind whatever, and before it was besprinkled with water (ausa vatni) or shown to the father, who had to fix its name; exposure, after any of these acts, was murder, cp. the story of Liafburga told by Grimm R. A.); v. Also a Latin essay at the end of the Gunnl. S. (Ed. 1775). The Christian Jus Eccl. put an end to this heathen barbarism by stating at its very beginning, ala skal barn hvert er borit verðr, i. e. all children, if not of monstrous shape, shall be brought up, N. G. L. i. 339, 363.
    β. b. út (now more usual, hefja út, Am. 100), to carry out for burial; vera erfðr ok tit borinn, Odd. 20; var hann heygðr, ok út borinn at fornum sið, Fb. i. 123; b. á bál, to place (the body and treasures) upon the pile, the mode of burying in the old heathen time, Fas. i. 487 (in a verse); var hon borin á bálit ok slegit í eldi, Edda 38.
    B. Various and metaph. cases.
    I. denoting motion:
    1. ‘bera’ is in the Grág. the standing law term for delivery of a verdict by a jury (búar), either ‘bera’ absol. or adding kvið ( verdict); bera á e-n, or b. kvið á e-n, to give a verdict against, declare guilty; bera af e-m, or b. af e-m kviðinn, to give a verdict for; or generally, bera, or b. um e-t, to give a verdict in a case; bera, or b. vitni, vætti, also simply means to testify, to witness, Nj. 111, cp. kviðburðr ( delivering of verdict), vitnisburðr ( bearing witness), Grág. ii. 28; eigi eigu búar ( jurors) enn at b. um þat hvat lög eru á landi hér, the jurors have not to give verdict in (to decide) what is law in the country, cp. the Engl. maxim, that jurors have only to decide the question of evidence, not of law, Grág. (Kb.) ch. 85; eigi eru búar skildir at b. um hvatvetna; um engi mál eigu þeir at skilja, þau er erlendis ( abroad) hafa görzt, id.; the form in delivering the verdict—höfum vér ( the jurors), orðit á eitt sáttir, berum á kviðburðinn, berum hann sannan at sökinni, Nj. 238, Grág. i. 49, 22, 138, etc.; í annat sinn báru þeir á Flosa kviðinn, id.; b. annattveggja af eðr á; b. undan, to discharge, Nj. 135; b. kvið í hag ( for), Grág. i. 55; b. lýsingar vætti, Nj. 87; b. vitni ok vætti, 28, 43, 44; b. ljúgvitni, to bear false witness, Grág. i. 28; b. orð, to bear witness to a speech, 43; bera frændsemi sundr, to prove that they are not relations, N. G. L. i. 147: reflex., berask ór vætti, to prove that oneself is wrongly summoned to bear witness or to give a verdict, 44: berask in a pass. sense, to be proved by evidence, ef vanefni b. þess manns er á hönd var lýst, Grág. i. 257; nema jafnmæli berisk, 229; þótt þér berisk þat faðerni er þú segir, Fms. vii. 164; hann kvaðst ætla, at honum mundi berask, that he would be able to get evidence for, Fs. 46.
    β. gener. and not as a law term; b. á, b. á hendr, to charge; b. e-n undan, to discharge, Fs. 95; eigi erum vér þessa valdir er þú berr á oss, Nj. 238, Ld. 206, Fms. iv. 380, xi. 251, Th. 78; b. e-m á brýnn, to throw in one’s face, to accuse, Greg. 51; b. af sér, to deny; eigi mun ek af mér b., at… ( non diffitebor), Nj. 271; b. e-m gott vitni, to give one a good…, 11; b. e-m vel (illa) söguna, to bear favourable (unfavourable) witness of one, 271.
    2. to bear by word of mouth, report, tell, Lat. referre; either absol. or adding kveðju, orð, orðsending, eyrindi, boð, sögu, njósn, frétt…, or by adding a prep., b. fram, frá, upp, fyrir; b. kveðju, to bring a greeting, compliment, Eg. 127; b. erindi (sín) fyrir e-n, to plead one’s case before one, or to tell one’s errand, 472, 473; b. njósn, to apprise, Nj. 131; b. fram, to deliver (a speech), talaði jungherra Magnús hit fyrsta erindi (M. made his first speech in public), ok fanst mönnum mikit um hversu úbernsliga fram var borit, Fms. x. 53; (in mod. usage, b. fram denotes gramm. to pronounce, hence ‘framburðr,’ pronunciation); mun ek þat nú fram b., I shall now tell, produce it, Ld. 256, Eg. 37; b. frá, to attest, relate with emphasis; má þat frá b., Dropl. 21; b. upp, to produce, mention, tell, þótt slík lygi sé upp borin fyrir hann, though such a lie be told him, Eg. 59; þær (viz. charges) urðu engar upp bornar ( produced) við Rút, Nj. 11; berr Sigtryggr þegar upp erindi sín (cp. Germ. ojfenbaren), 271, Ld. 256; b. upp gátu, to give (propound) a riddle, Stj. 411, Fas. i. 464; b. fyrir, to plead as an excuse; b. saman ráð sín, or the like, to consult, Nj. 91; eyddist þat ráð, er þeir báru saman, which they had designed, Post. 656 A. ii; b. til skripta, to confess (eccl.), of auricular confession, Hom. 124, 655 xx.
    II. in a metaphorical or circumlocutory sense, and without any sense of motion, to keep, hold, bear, of a title; b. nafn, to bear a name, esp. as honour or distinction; tignar nafn, haulds nafn, jarls nafn, lends manns nafn, konungs nafn, bónda nafn, Fms. i. 17, vi. 278, xi. 44, Gþl. 106: in a more metaph. sense, denoting endowments, luck, disposition, or the like, b. (ekki) gæfu, hamingju, auðnu til e-s, to enjoy (enjoy not) good or bad luck, etc.; at Þórólfr mundi eigi allsendis gæfu til b. um vináttu við Harald, Eg. 75, 112, 473, Fms. iv. 164, i. 218; úhamingju, 219; b. vit, skyn, kunnáttu á (yfir) e-t, to bring wit, knowledge, etc., to bear upon a thing, xi. 438, Band. 7; hence vel (illa) viti borinn, well (ill) endowed with wit, Eg. 51; vel hyggjandi borinn, well endowed with reason, Grág. ii; b. hug, traust, áræði, þor, til e-s, to have courage, confidenceto do a thing, Gullþ. 47, Fms. ix. 220, Band. 7; b. áhyggju, önn fyrir, to care, be concerned about, Fms. x. 318; b. ást, elsku til e-s, to bear affection, love to one; b. hatr, to hate: b. svört augu, to have dark eyes, poët., Korm. (in a verse); b. snart hjarta, Hom. 5; vant er þat af sjá hvar hvergi berr hjarta sitt, where he keeps his heart, Orkn. 474; b. gott hjarta, to bear a proud heart, Lex. Poët., etc. etc.; b. skyndi at um e-t, to make speed with a thing, Lat. festinare, Fms. viii. 57.
    2. with some sense of motion, to bear off or away, carry off, gain, in such phrases as, b. sigr af e-m, af e-u, to carry off the victory from or in …; hann hafði borit sigr af tveim orrustum, er frægstar hafa verit, he had borne off the victory in two battles, Fms. xi. 186; bera banaorð af e-m, to slay one in a fight, to be the victor; Þorr berr banaorð af Miðgarðsormi, Edda 42, Fms. x. 400: it seems properly to mean, to bear off the fame of having killed a man; verðat svá rík sköp, at Regin skyli mitt banorð bera, Fm. 39; b. hærra, lægra hlut, ‘to bear off the higher or the lower lot,’ i. e. to get the best or the worst of it, or the metaphor is taken from a sortilege, Fms. ii. 268, i. 59, vi. 412; b. efra, hærra skjöld, to carry the highest shield, to get the victory, x. 394, Lex. Poët.; b. hátt (lágt) höfuðit, to bear the head high (low), i. e. to be in high or low spirits, Nj. 91; but also, b. halann bratt (lágt), to cock up or let fall the tail (metaph. from cattle), to be in an exultant or low mood: sundry phrases, as, b. bein, to rest the bones, be buried; far þú til Íslands, þar mun þér auðið verða beinin at b., Grett. 91 A; en þó hygg ek at þú munir hér b. beinin í Norðrálfunni, Orkn. 142; b. fyrir borð, to throw overboard, metaph. to oppress; verðr Þórhalli nú fyrir borð borinn, Th. was defied, set at naught, Fær. 234; b. brjóst fyrir e-m, to be the breast-shield, protection of one, Fms. vii. 263: also, b. hönd fyrir höfuð sér, metaph. to put one’s hand before one’s head, i. e. to defend oneself; b. ægishjálm yfir e-m, to keep one in awe and submission, Fm. 16, vide A. I. 2.
    III. connected with prepp., b. af, and (rarely) yfir (cp. afburðr, yfirburðr), to excel, surpass; eigi sá hvárttveggja féit er af öðrum berr, who gets the best of it, Nj. 15; en þó bar Bolli af, B. surpassed all the rest, Ld. 330; þat mannval bar eigi minnr af öðrum mönnum um fríðleik, afi ok fræknleik, en Ormrinn Langi af öðrum skipum, Fms. ii. 252; at hinn útlendi skal yfir b. ( outdo) þann sem Enskir kalla meistara, xi. 431: b. til, to apply, try if it fits; en er þeir báru til (viz. shoes to the hoof of a horse), þá var sem hæfði hestinum, ix. 55; bera til hvern lykil at öðrum at portinu, Thom. 141; b. e-t við, to try it on (hence viðburðr, experiment, effort): b. um, to wind round, as a cable round a pole or the like, Nj. 115; þá bar hann þá festi um sik, made it fast round his body, Fms. ix. 219; ‘b. e-t undir e-n’ is to consult one, ellipt., b. undir dóm e-s; ‘b. e-t fyrir’ is to feign, use as excuse: b. á, í, to smear, anoint; b. vatn í augu sér, Rb. 354; b. tjöru í höfuð sér, Nj. 181, Hom. 70, 73, cp. áburðr; b. gull, silfr, á, to ornament with gold or silver, Ld. 114, Finnb. 258: is now also used = to dung, b. á völl; b. vápn á e-n, to attack one with sharp weapons, Eg. 583, Fms. xi. 334: b. eld at, to set fire to, Nj. 122; b. fjötur (bönd) at e-m, to put fetters (bonds) on one, Fms. x. 172, Hm. 150: metaph. reflex., bönd berask at e-m, a law term, the evidence bears against one; b. af sér, to parry off; Gyrðr berr af sér lagit, G. parries the thrust off, Fms. x. 421; cp. A. II. 3. β.
    IV. reflex., berask mikit á (cp. áburðr), to bear oneself proudly, or b. lítið á, to bear oneself humbly; hann var hinn kátasti ok barst á mikit, Fms. ii. 68, viii. 219, Eb. 258; b. lítið á, Clem. 35; láta af berask, to die; Óttarr vill skipa til um fjárfar sitt áðr hann láti af b., Fms. ii. 12: berask fyrir, to abide in a place as an asylum, seek shelter; hér munu vit láta fyrir b., Fas. iii. 471; berask e-t fyrir, to design a thing, be busy about, barsk hann þat fyrir at sjá aldregi konur, Greg. 53; at njósna um hvat hann bærist fyrir, to inquire into what he was about, Fms. iv. 184, Vígl. 19.
    β. recipr. in the phrase, berask banaspjót eptir, to seek for one another’s life, Glúm. 354: b. vápn á, of a mutual attack with sharp weapons, Fms. viii. 53.
    γ. pass., sár berask á e-n, of one in the heat of battle beginning to get wounds and give way, Nj.:—berask við, to be prevented, not to do; ok nú lét Almáttugr Guð við berast kirkjubrunnann, stopped, prevented the burning of the church, Fms. v. 144; en mér þætti gott ef við bærist, svá at hón kæmi eigi til þín, vi. 210, vii. 219; ok var þá búit at hann mundi þegar láta hamarinn skjanna honum, en hann lét þat við berask, he bethought himself and did not, Edda 35; því at mönnum þótti sem þannig mundi helzt úhæfa við berask, that mischief would thus be best prevented, Sturl. ii. 6, iii. 80.
    C. IMPERS.:—with a sort of passive sense, both in a loc. and temp. sense, and gener. denotes an involuntary, passive motion, happening suddenly or by chance:
    I. with acc. it bears or carries one to a place, i. e. one happens to come; the proverb, alla (acc.) berr at sama brunni, all come to the same well (end), Lat. omnes una manet nox; bar hann þá ofan gegnt Özuri, he happened to come in his course just opposite to Ö., Lat. delatus est, Dropl. 25: esp. of ships or sailors; nú berr svá til ( happens) herra, at vér komum eigi fram ferðinni, berr oss (acc.) til Íslands eðr annara landa, it bore us to I., i. e. if we drive or drift thither, Fms. iv. 176; þá (acc. pl.) bar suðr í haf, they drifted southwards, Nj. 124.
    β. as a cricketing term, in the phrase, berr (bar) út knöttinn, the ball rolls out, Gísl. 26, cp. p. 110 where it is transit.; berr Gísli ok út knöttinn, vide Vígl. ch. 11, Grett. ch. 17, Vd. ch. 37, Hallfr. S. ch. 2.
    γ. Skarpheðin (acc.) bar nú at þeim, Sk. came suddenly upon them, Nj. 144; bar at Hróaldi þegar allan skjöldinn, the shield was dashed against H.’s body, 198; ok skyldu sæta honum, ef hann (acc.) bæri þar at, if he should per chance come, shew himself there, Orkn. 406; e-n berr yfir, it bears one, i. e. one is borne onwards, as a bird flying, a man riding; þóttist vita, at hann (acc.) mundi fljótara yfir bera ef hann riði en gengi, that he would get on more fleetly riding than walking, Hrafn. 7; hann (acc.) bar skjótt yfir, he passed quickly, of a flying meteor, Nj. 194; e-n berr undan, escapes.
    2. also with acc. followed by prepp. við, saman, jafnframt, hjá, of bodies coinciding or covering one another: loc., er jafnframt ber jaðrana tungls ok sólar, if the orb of the moon and sun cover each other, Rb. 34; þat kann vera stundum, at tunglit (acc.) berr jafht á millum vár ok sólar (i. e. in a moon eclipse), 108; ber nokkut jaðar (acc.) þess hjá sólar jaðri, 34; Gunnarr sér at rauðan kyrtil (acc.) bar við glugginn, G. sees that a red kirtle passed before the window, Nj. 114; bar fyrir utan þat skip vápnaburð (acc.) heiðingja (gen. pl.), the missiles of the heathens passed over the ship without hurting them, flew too high, Fms. vii. 232; hvergi bar skugga (acc.) á, nowhere a shadow, all bright, Nj. 118; þangat sem helzt mátti nokkut yfir þá skugga bera af skóginum, where they were shadowed (hidden) by the trees, Fms. x. 239; e-t berr fram (hátt), a body is prominent, Lat. eminet; Ólafr konungr stóð í lyptingunni, bar hann (acc.) hátt mjök, king O. stood out conspicuously, ii. 308; b. yfir, þótti mjök bera hljóð (acc.) þar yfir er Ólafr sat, the sound was heard over there where O. sat, Sturl. i. 21; b. á milli, something comes between; leiti (acc.) bar á milli, a hill hid the prospect, Nj. 263: metaph., e-m berr e-t á milli, they come to dissent, 13, v. 1.; b. fyrir augu (hence fyrirburðr, vision), of a vision or the like; mart (acc.) berr nú fyrir augu mér, ek sé …, many things come now before my eyes, 104; hann mundi allt þat er fyrir hann hafði borit, i. e. all the dream, 195; eina nótt berr fyrir hann í svefni mikla sýn, Fms. i. 137, Rd. 290; veiði (acc.) berr í hendr e-m (a metaphor from hunting), sport falls to one’s lot; hér bæri veiði í hendr nú, here would be a game, Nj. 252; e-t berr undan (a metaphor from fishing, hunting term), when one misses one’s opportunity; vel væri þá … at þá veiði (acc.) bæri eigi undan, that this game should not go amiss, 69; en ef þetta (acc.) berr undan, if this breaks down, 63; hon bað hann þá drepa einhvern manna hans, heldr en allt (acc.) bæri undan, rather than that all should go amiss, Eg. 258: absol., þyki mér illa, ef undan berr, if I miss it, Nj. 155; viljum vér ekki at undan beri at…, we will by no means miss it…, Fms. viii. 309, v. 1. The passage Bs. i. 416 (en fjárhlutr sá er átt hafði Ari, bar undan Guðmundi) is hardly correct, fjárhlut þann would run better, cp. bera undir, as a law term, below.
    II. adding prepp.; b. við, at, til, at hendi, at móti, til handa …, to befall, happen, Lat. accidere, occurrere, with dat. of the person, (v. atburðr, viðburðr, tilburðr); engi hlut skyldi þann at b., no such thing should happen as…, Fms. xi. 76; svá bar at einn vetr, it befell, x. 201; þat hefir nú víst at hendi borit, er…, Nj. 174; þó þetta vandræði (acc.) hafi nú borit oss (dat.) at hendi, Eg. 7; b. til handa, id., Sks. 327; bar honum svá til, so it befell him, Fms. xi. 425; at honum bæri engan váðaligan hlut til á veginum, that nothing dangerous should befall him on the way, Stj. 212; bæri þat þá svá við, at hann ryfi, it then perchance might happen, that …, 102; þat bar við at Högni kom, 169, 172, 82; raun (acc.) berr á, it is proved by the fact, event, Fms. ix. 474, x. 185.
    2. temp., e-t berr á, it happens to fall on …; ef þing (acc.) ber á hina helgu viku, if the parliament falls on the holy week (Whitsun), Grág. i. 106; ef Crucis messu (acc.) berr á Drottins dag, Rb. 44; berr hana (viz. Petrs messu, June 29) aldrei svá optarr á öldinni, 78; þat er nú berr oss næst, what has occurred of late, Sturl. iii. 182: b. í móti, to happen exactly at a time; þetta (acc.) bar í móti at þenna sama dag andaðist Brandr biskup, Bs. i. 468; b. saman, id.; bar þat saman, at pá var Gunnarr at segja brennusöguna, just when G. was about telling the story, Nj. 269.
    3. metaph. of agreement or separation; en þat (acc.) þykir mjök saman b. ok þessi frásögn, Fms. x. 276: with dat., bar öllum sögum vel saman, all the records agreed well together, Nj. 100, v. l.; berr nú enn í sundr með þeim, Bjarna ok Þorkatli at sinni, B. and Th. missed each other, Vápn. 25.
    4. denoting cause; e-t (acc.) berr til …, causes a thing; ætluðu þat þá allir, at þat mundi til bera, that that was the reason, Nj. 75; at þat beri til skilnaðar okkars, that this will make us to part (divorce), 261; konungr spurði, hvat til bæri úgleði hans, what was the cause of his grief? Fms. vi. 355; þat berr til tunglhlaups, Rb. 32.
    β. meiri ván at brátt beri þat (acc.) til bóta, at herviliga steypi hans ríki, i. e. there will soon come help (revenge), Fms. x. 264; fjórir eru þeir hlutir er menn (acc.) berr í ætt á landi hér, there are four cases under which people may be adopted, Grág. i. 361.
    γ. e-t berr undir e-n, falls to a person’s lot; hon á arf at taka þegar er undir hana berr, in her turn, 179; mikla erfð (acc.) bar undir hana, Mar. (Fr.); berr yfir, of surpassing, Bs. ii. 121, 158; b. frá, id. (fráburðr); herðimikill svá at þat (acc.) bar frá því sem aðrir menn, Eg. 305; er sagt, at þat bæri frá hve vel þeir mæltu, it was extraordinary how well they did speak, Jb. 11; bar þat mest frá hversu illa hann var limaðr, but above all, how…, Ó. H. 74.
    5. with adverbial nouns in a dat. form; e-t berr bráðum, happens of a sudden; berr þetta (acc.) nú allbráðum, Fms. xi. 139; cp. vera bráðum borinn, to be taken by surprise (above); berr stórum, stærrum, it matters a great deal; ætla ek stærrum b. hin lagabrotin (acc.), they are much more important, matter more, vii. 305; var þat góðr kostr, svá at stórum bar, xi. 50; hefir oss orðit svá mikil vanhyggja, at stóru berr, an enormous blunder, Gísl. 51; svá langa leið, at stóru bar, Fas. i. 116; þat berr stórum, hversu mér þóknast vel þeirra athæfi, it amounts to a great deal, my liking their service, i. e. I do greatly like, Fms. ii. 37; eigi berr þat allsmám hversu vel mér líkar, in no small degree do I like, x. 296.
    β. with dat., it is fitting, becoming; svá mikit sem landeiganda (dat.) berr til at hafa eptir lögum, what he is legally entitled to, Dipl. iii. 10; berr til handa, it falls to one’s lot, v. above, Grág. i. 93.
    III. answering to Lat. oportet, absolutely or with an adverb, vel, illa, with infinit.; e-m berr, it beseems, becomes one; berr þat ekki né stendr þvílíkum höfuðfeðr, at falsa, Stj. 132; berr yðr (dat.) vel, herra, at sjá sannindi á þessu máli, Fms. ix. 326; sagði, at þat bar eigi Kristnum mönnum, at særa Guð, x. 22; þá siðu at mér beri vel, Sks. 353 B: used absol., berr vel, illa, it is beseeming, proper, fit, unbeseeming, unfit, improper; athæfi þat er vel beri fyrir konungs augliti, 282; þat þykir ok eigi illa bera, at maðr hafi svart skinn til hosna, i. e. it suits pretty well, 301: in case of a pers. pron. in acc. or dat. being added, the sentence becomes personal in order to avoid doubling the impers. sentence, e. g. e-m berr skylda (not skyldu) til, one is bound by duty; veit ek eigi hver skylda (nom.) yðr (acc.) ber til þess at láta jarl einn ráða, Fms. i. 52: also leaving the dat. out, skylda berr til at vera forsjámaðr með honum, vii. 280; eigi berr hér til úviska mín, it is not that I am not knowing, Nj. 135.
    IV. when the reflex. inflexion is added to the verb, the noun loses its impers. character and is turned from acc. into nom., e. g. þar (þat?) mun hugrinn minn mest hafa fyrir borizt, this is what I suspected, fancied, Lv. 34; cp. hugarburðr, fancy, and e-t berr fyrir e-n (above, C. I. 2); hefir þetta (nom.) vel í móti borizt, a happy coincidence, Nj. 104; ef svá harðliga kann til at berask, if the misfortunes do happen, Gþl. 55; barsk sú úhamingja (nom.) til á Íslandi, that mischief happened (no doubt the passage is thus to be emended), Bs. i. 78, but bar þá úhamingju …; þat (nom.) barsk at, happened, Fms. x. 253; fundir várir (nom.) hafa at borizt nokkurum sinnum, vii. 256; þat barsk at á einhverju sumri, Eg. 154; bærist at um síðir at allr þingheimrinn berðist, 765, cp. berast við, berask fyrir above (B. V.): berast, absol., means to be shaken, knocked about; var þess ván, at fylkingar mundu berast í hergöngunni, that they would be brought into some confusion, Fms. v. 74; Hrólfr gékk at ramliga, ok barst Atli (was shaken, gave away) fyrir orku sakir, þar til er hann féll. Fas. iii. 253; barst Jökull allr fyrir orku sakir (of two wrestling), Ísl. ii. 467, Fms. iii. 189: vide B. IV.
    D. In mod. usage the strong bera—bar is also used in impersonal phrases, denoting to let a thing be seen, shew, but almost always with a negative preceding, e. g. ekki bar (ber) á því, it could ( can) not be seen; að á engu bæri, láta ekki á bera ( to keep tight), etc. All these phrases are no doubt alterations from the weak verb bera, að, nudare, and never occur in old writers; we have not met with any instance previous to the Reformation; the use is certainly of late date, and affords a rare instance of weak verbs turning into strong; the reverse is more freq. the case.

    Íslensk-ensk orðabók > BERA

  • 4 Historical Portugal

       Before Romans described western Iberia or Hispania as "Lusitania," ancient Iberians inhabited the land. Phoenician and Greek trading settlements grew up in the Tagus estuary area and nearby coasts. Beginning around 202 BCE, Romans invaded what is today southern Portugal. With Rome's defeat of Carthage, Romans proceeded to conquer and rule the western region north of the Tagus, which they named Roman "Lusitania." In the fourth century CE, as Rome's rule weakened, the area experienced yet another invasion—Germanic tribes, principally the Suevi, who eventually were Christianized. During the sixth century CE, the Suevi kingdom was superseded by yet another Germanic tribe—the Christian Visigoths.
       A major turning point in Portugal's history came in 711, as Muslim armies from North Africa, consisting of both Arab and Berber elements, invaded the Iberian Peninsula from across the Straits of Gibraltar. They entered what is now Portugal in 714, and proceeded to conquer most of the country except for the far north. For the next half a millennium, Islam and Muslim presence in Portugal left a significant mark upon the politics, government, language, and culture of the country.
       Islam, Reconquest, and Portugal Created, 714-1140
       The long frontier struggle between Muslim invaders and Christian communities in the north of the Iberian peninsula was called the Reconquista (Reconquest). It was during this struggle that the first dynasty of Portuguese kings (Burgundian) emerged and the independent monarchy of Portugal was established. Christian forces moved south from what is now the extreme north of Portugal and gradually defeated Muslim forces, besieging and capturing towns under Muslim sway. In the ninth century, as Christian forces slowly made their way southward, Christian elements were dominant only in the area between Minho province and the Douro River; this region became known as "territorium Portu-calense."
       In the 11th century, the advance of the Reconquest quickened as local Christian armies were reinforced by crusading knights from what is now France and England. Christian forces took Montemor (1034), at the Mondego River; Lamego (1058); Viseu (1058); and Coimbra (1064). In 1095, the king of Castile and Léon granted the country of "Portu-cale," what became northern Portugal, to a Burgundian count who had emigrated from France. This was the foundation of Portugal. In 1139, a descendant of this count, Afonso Henriques, proclaimed himself "King of Portugal." He was Portugal's first monarch, the "Founder," and the first of the Burgundian dynasty, which ruled until 1385.
       The emergence of Portugal in the 12th century as a separate monarchy in Iberia occurred before the Christian Reconquest of the peninsula. In the 1140s, the pope in Rome recognized Afonso Henriques as king of Portugal. In 1147, after a long, bloody siege, Muslim-occupied Lisbon fell to Afonso Henriques's army. Lisbon was the greatest prize of the 500-year war. Assisting this effort were English crusaders on their way to the Holy Land; the first bishop of Lisbon was an Englishman. When the Portuguese captured Faro and Silves in the Algarve province in 1248-50, the Reconquest of the extreme western portion of the Iberian peninsula was complete—significantly, more than two centuries before the Spanish crown completed the Reconquest of the eastern portion by capturing Granada in 1492.
       Consolidation and Independence of Burgundian Portugal, 1140-1385
       Two main themes of Portugal's early existence as a monarchy are the consolidation of control over the realm and the defeat of a Castil-ian threat from the east to its independence. At the end of this period came the birth of a new royal dynasty (Aviz), which prepared to carry the Christian Reconquest beyond continental Portugal across the straits of Gibraltar to North Africa. There was a variety of motives behind these developments. Portugal's independent existence was imperiled by threats from neighboring Iberian kingdoms to the north and east. Politics were dominated not only by efforts against the Muslims in
       Portugal (until 1250) and in nearby southern Spain (until 1492), but also by internecine warfare among the kingdoms of Castile, Léon, Aragon, and Portugal. A final comeback of Muslim forces was defeated at the battle of Salado (1340) by allied Castilian and Portuguese forces. In the emerging Kingdom of Portugal, the monarch gradually gained power over and neutralized the nobility and the Church.
       The historic and commonplace Portuguese saying "From Spain, neither a good wind nor a good marriage" was literally played out in diplomacy and war in the late 14th-century struggles for mastery in the peninsula. Larger, more populous Castile was pitted against smaller Portugal. Castile's Juan I intended to force a union between Castile and Portugal during this era of confusion and conflict. In late 1383, Portugal's King Fernando, the last king of the Burgundian dynasty, suddenly died prematurely at age 38, and the Master of Aviz, Portugal's most powerful nobleman, took up the cause of independence and resistance against Castile's invasion. The Master of Aviz, who became King João I of Portugal, was able to obtain foreign assistance. With the aid of English archers, Joao's armies defeated the Castilians in the crucial battle of Aljubarrota, on 14 August 1385, a victory that assured the independence of the Portuguese monarchy from its Castilian nemesis for several centuries.
       Aviz Dynasty and Portugal's First Overseas Empire, 1385-1580
       The results of the victory at Aljubarrota, much celebrated in Portugal's art and monuments, and the rise of the Aviz dynasty also helped to establish a new merchant class in Lisbon and Oporto, Portugal's second city. This group supported King João I's program of carrying the Reconquest to North Africa, since it was interested in expanding Portugal's foreign commerce and tapping into Muslim trade routes and resources in Africa. With the Reconquest against the Muslims completed in Portugal and the threat from Castile thwarted for the moment, the Aviz dynasty launched an era of overseas conquest, exploration, and trade. These efforts dominated Portugal's 15th and 16th centuries.
       The overseas empire and age of Discoveries began with Portugal's bold conquest in 1415 of the Moroccan city of Ceuta. One royal member of the 1415 expedition was young, 21-year-old Prince Henry, later known in history as "Prince Henry the Navigator." His part in the capture of Ceuta won Henry his knighthood and began Portugal's "Marvelous Century," during which the small kingdom was counted as a European and world power of consequence. Henry was the son of King João I and his English queen, Philippa of Lancaster, but he did not inherit the throne. Instead, he spent most of his life and his fortune, and that of the wealthy military Order of Christ, on various imperial ventures and on voyages of exploration down the African coast and into the Atlantic. While mythology has surrounded Henry's controversial role in the Discoveries, and this role has been exaggerated, there is no doubt that he played a vital part in the initiation of Portugal's first overseas empire and in encouraging exploration. He was naturally curious, had a sense of mission for Portugal, and was a strong leader. He also had wealth to expend; at least a third of the African voyages of the time were under his sponsorship. If Prince Henry himself knew little science, significant scientific advances in navigation were made in his day.
       What were Portugal's motives for this new imperial effort? The well-worn historical cliche of "God, Glory, and Gold" can only partly explain the motivation of a small kingdom with few natural resources and barely 1 million people, which was greatly outnumbered by the other powers it confronted. Among Portuguese objectives were the desire to exploit known North African trade routes and resources (gold, wheat, leather, weaponry, and other goods that were scarce in Iberia); the need to outflank the Muslim world in the Mediterranean by sailing around Africa, attacking Muslims en route; and the wish to ally with Christian kingdoms beyond Africa. This enterprise also involved a strategy of breaking the Venetian spice monopoly by trading directly with the East by means of discovering and exploiting a sea route around Africa to Asia. Besides the commercial motives, Portugal nurtured a strong crusading sense of Christian mission, and various classes in the kingdom saw an opportunity for fame and gain.
       By the time of Prince Henry's death in 1460, Portugal had gained control of the Atlantic archipelagos of the Azores and Madeiras, begun to colonize the Cape Verde Islands, failed to conquer the Canary Islands from Castile, captured various cities on Morocco's coast, and explored as far as Senegal, West Africa, down the African coast. By 1488, Bar-tolomeu Dias had rounded the Cape of Good Hope in South Africa and thereby discovered the way to the Indian Ocean.
       Portugal's largely coastal African empire and later its fragile Asian empire brought unexpected wealth but were purchased at a high price. Costs included wars of conquest and defense against rival powers, manning the far-flung navel and trade fleets and scattered castle-fortresses, and staffing its small but fierce armies, all of which entailed a loss of skills and population to maintain a scattered empire. Always short of capital, the monarchy became indebted to bankers. There were many defeats beginning in the 16th century at the hands of the larger imperial European monarchies (Spain, France, England, and Holland) and many attacks on Portugal and its strung-out empire. Typically, there was also the conflict that arose when a tenuously held world empire that rarely if ever paid its way demanded finance and manpower Portugal itself lacked.
       The first 80 years of the glorious imperial era, the golden age of Portugal's imperial power and world influence, was an African phase. During 1415-88, Portuguese navigators and explorers in small ships, some of them caravelas (caravels), explored the treacherous, disease-ridden coasts of Africa from Morocco to South Africa beyond the Cape of Good Hope. By the 1470s, the Portuguese had reached the Gulf of Guinea and, in the early 1480s, what is now Angola. Bartolomeu Dias's extraordinary voyage of 1487-88 to South Africa's coast and the edge of the Indian Ocean convinced Portugal that the best route to Asia's spices and Christians lay south, around the tip of southern Africa. Between 1488 and 1495, there was a hiatus caused in part by domestic conflict in Portugal, discussion of resources available for further conquests beyond Africa in Asia, and serious questions as to Portugal's capacity to reach beyond Africa. In 1495, King Manuel and his council decided to strike for Asia, whatever the consequences. In 1497-99, Vasco da Gama, under royal orders, made the epic two-year voyage that discovered the sea route to western India (Asia), outflanked Islam and Venice, and began Portugal's Asian empire. Within 50 years, Portugal had discovered and begun the exploitation of its largest colony, Brazil, and set up forts and trading posts from the Middle East (Aden and Ormuz), India (Calicut, Goa, etc.), Malacca, and Indonesia to Macau in China.
       By the 1550s, parts of its largely coastal, maritime trading post empire from Morocco to the Moluccas were under siege from various hostile forces, including Muslims, Christians, and Hindi. Although Moroccan forces expelled the Portuguese from the major coastal cities by 1550, the rival European monarchies of Castile (Spain), England, France, and later Holland began to seize portions of her undermanned, outgunned maritime empire.
       In 1580, Phillip II of Spain, whose mother was a Portuguese princess and who had a strong claim to the Portuguese throne, invaded Portugal, claimed the throne, and assumed control over the realm and, by extension, its African, Asian, and American empires. Phillip II filled the power vacuum that appeared in Portugal following the loss of most of Portugal's army and its young, headstrong King Sebastião in a disastrous war in Morocco. Sebastiao's death in battle (1578) and the lack of a natural heir to succeed him, as well as the weak leadership of the cardinal who briefly assumed control in Lisbon, led to a crisis that Spain's strong monarch exploited. As a result, Portugal lost its independence to Spain for a period of 60 years.
       Portugal under Spanish Rule, 1580-1640
       Despite the disastrous nature of Portugal's experience under Spanish rule, "The Babylonian Captivity" gave birth to modern Portuguese nationalism, its second overseas empire, and its modern alliance system with England. Although Spain allowed Portugal's weakened empire some autonomy, Spanish rule in Portugal became increasingly burdensome and unacceptable. Spain's ambitious imperial efforts in Europe and overseas had an impact on the Portuguese as Spain made greater and greater demands on its smaller neighbor for manpower and money. Portugal's culture underwent a controversial Castilianization, while its empire became hostage to Spain's fortunes. New rival powers England, France, and Holland attacked and took parts of Spain's empire and at the same time attacked Portugal's empire, as well as the mother country.
       Portugal's empire bore the consequences of being attacked by Spain's bitter enemies in what was a form of world war. Portuguese losses were heavy. By 1640, Portugal had lost most of its Moroccan cities as well as Ceylon, the Moluccas, and sections of India. With this, Portugal's Asian empire was gravely weakened. Only Goa, Damão, Diu, Bombay, Timor, and Macau remained and, in Brazil, Dutch forces occupied the northeast.
       On 1 December 1640, long commemorated as a national holiday, Portuguese rebels led by the duke of Braganza overthrew Spanish domination and took advantage of Spanish weakness following a more serious rebellion in Catalonia. Portugal regained independence from Spain, but at a price: dependence on foreign assistance to maintain its independence in the form of the renewal of the alliance with England.
       Restoration and Second Empire, 1640-1822
       Foreign affairs and empire dominated the restoration era and aftermath, and Portugal again briefly enjoyed greater European power and prestige. The Anglo-Portuguese Alliance was renewed and strengthened in treaties of 1642, 1654, and 1661, and Portugal's independence from Spain was underwritten by English pledges and armed assistance. In a Luso-Spanish treaty of 1668, Spain recognized Portugal's independence. Portugal's alliance with England was a marriage of convenience and necessity between two monarchies with important religious, cultural, and social differences. In return for legal, diplomatic, and trade privileges, as well as the use during war and peace of Portugal's great Lisbon harbor and colonial ports for England's navy, England pledged to protect Portugal and its scattered empire from any attack. The previously cited 17th-century alliance treaties were renewed later in the Treaty of Windsor, signed in London in 1899. On at least 10 different occasions after 1640, and during the next two centuries, England was central in helping prevent or repel foreign invasions of its ally, Portugal.
       Portugal's second empire (1640-1822) was largely Brazil-oriented. Portuguese colonization, exploitation of wealth, and emigration focused on Portuguese America, and imperial revenues came chiefly from Brazil. Between 1670 and 1740, Portugal's royalty and nobility grew wealthier on funds derived from Brazilian gold, diamonds, sugar, tobacco, and other crops, an enterprise supported by the Atlantic slave trade and the supply of African slave labor from West Africa and Angola. Visitors today can see where much of that wealth was invested: Portugal's rich legacy of monumental architecture. Meanwhile, the African slave trade took a toll in Angola and West Africa.
       In continental Portugal, absolutist monarchy dominated politics and government, and there was a struggle for position and power between the monarchy and other institutions, such as the Church and nobility. King José I's chief minister, usually known in history as the marquis of Pombal (ruled 1750-77), sharply suppressed the nobility and the
       Church (including the Inquisition, now a weak institution) and expelled the Jesuits. Pombal also made an effort to reduce economic dependence on England, Portugal's oldest ally. But his successes did not last much beyond his disputed time in office.
       Beginning in the late 18th century, the European-wide impact of the French Revolution and the rise of Napoleon placed Portugal in a vulnerable position. With the monarchy ineffectively led by an insane queen (Maria I) and her indecisive regent son (João VI), Portugal again became the focus of foreign ambition and aggression. With England unable to provide decisive assistance in time, France—with Spain's consent—invaded Portugal in 1807. As Napoleon's army under General Junot entered Lisbon meeting no resistance, Portugal's royal family fled on a British fleet to Brazil, where it remained in exile until 1821. In the meantime, Portugal's overseas empire was again under threat. There was a power vacuum as the monarch was absent, foreign armies were present, and new political notions of liberalism and constitutional monarchy were exciting various groups of citizens.
       Again England came to the rescue, this time in the form of the armies of the duke of Wellington. Three successive French invasions of Portugal were defeated and expelled, and Wellington succeeded in carrying the war against Napoleon across the Portuguese frontier into Spain. The presence of the English army, the new French-born liberal ideas, and the political vacuum combined to create revolutionary conditions. The French invasions and the peninsular wars, where Portuguese armed forces played a key role, marked the beginning of a new era in politics.
       Liberalism and Constitutional Monarchy, 1822-1910
       During 1807-22, foreign invasions, war, and civil strife over conflicting political ideas gravely damaged Portugal's commerce, economy, and novice industry. The next terrible blow was the loss of Brazil in 1822, the jewel in the imperial crown. Portugal's very independence seemed to be at risk. In vain, Portugal sought to resist Brazilian independence by force, but in 1825 it formally acknowledged Brazilian independence by treaty.
       Portugal's slow recovery from the destructive French invasions and the "war of independence" was complicated by civil strife over the form of constitutional monarchy that best suited Portugal. After struggles over these issues between 1820 and 1834, Portugal settled somewhat uncertainly into a moderate constitutional monarchy whose constitution (Charter of 1826) lent it strong political powers to exert a moderating influence between the executive and legislative branches of the government. It also featured a new upper middle class based on land ownership and commerce; a Catholic Church that, although still important, lived with reduced privileges and property; a largely African (third) empire to which Lisbon and Oporto devoted increasing spiritual and material resources, starting with the liberal imperial plans of 1836 and 1851, and continuing with the work of institutions like the Lisbon Society of Geography (established 1875); and a mass of rural peasants whose bonds to the land weakened after 1850 and who began to immigrate in increasing numbers to Brazil and North America.
       Chronic military intervention in national politics began in 19th-century Portugal. Such intervention, usually commencing with coups or pronunciamentos (military revolts), was a shortcut to the spoils of political office and could reflect popular discontent as well as the power of personalities. An early example of this was the 1817 golpe (coup) attempt of General Gomes Freire against British military rule in Portugal before the return of King João VI from Brazil. Except for a more stable period from 1851 to 1880, military intervention in politics, or the threat thereof, became a feature of the constitutional monarchy's political life, and it continued into the First Republic and the subsequent Estado Novo.
       Beginning with the Regeneration period (1851-80), Portugal experienced greater political stability and economic progress. Military intervention in politics virtually ceased; industrialization and construction of railroads, roads, and bridges proceeded; two political parties (Regenerators and Historicals) worked out a system of rotation in power; and leading intellectuals sparked a cultural revival in several fields. In 19th-century literature, there was a new golden age led by such figures as Alexandre Herculano (historian), Eça de Queirós (novelist), Almeida Garrett (playwright and essayist), Antero de Quental (poet), and Joaquim Oliveira Martins (historian and social scientist). In its third overseas empire, Portugal attempted to replace the slave trade and slavery with legitimate economic activities; to reform the administration; and to expand Portuguese holdings beyond coastal footholds deep into the African hinterlands in West, West Central, and East Africa. After 1841, to some extent, and especially after 1870, colonial affairs, combined with intense nationalism, pressures for economic profit in Africa, sentiment for national revival, and the drift of European affairs would make or break Lisbon governments.
       Beginning with the political crisis that arose out of the "English Ultimatum" affair of January 1890, the monarchy became discredtted and identified with the poorly functioning government, political parties splintered, and republicanism found more supporters. Portugal participated in the "Scramble for Africa," expanding its African holdings, but failed to annex territory connecting Angola and Mozambique. A growing foreign debt and state bankruptcy as of the early 1890s damaged the constitutional monarchy's reputation, despite the efforts of King Carlos in diplomacy, the renewal of the alliance in the Windsor Treaty of 1899, and the successful if bloody colonial wars in the empire (1880-97). Republicanism proclaimed that Portugal's weak economy and poor society were due to two historic institutions: the monarchy and the Catholic Church. A republic, its stalwarts claimed, would bring greater individual liberty; efficient, if more decentralized government; and a stronger colonial program while stripping the Church of its role in both society and education.
       As the monarchy lost support and republicans became more aggressive, violence increased in politics. King Carlos I and his heir Luís were murdered in Lisbon by anarchist-republicans on 1 February 1908. Following a military and civil insurrection and fighting between monarchist and republican forces, on 5 October 1910, King Manuel II fled Portugal and a republic was proclaimed.
       First Parliamentary Republic, 1910-26
       Portugal's first attempt at republican government was the most unstable, turbulent parliamentary republic in the history of 20th-century Western Europe. During a little under 16 years of the republic, there were 45 governments, a number of legislatures that did not complete normal terms, military coups, and only one president who completed his four-year term in office. Portuguese society was poorly prepared for this political experiment. Among the deadly legacies of the monarchy were a huge public debt; a largely rural, apolitical, and illiterate peasant population; conflict over the causes of the country's misfortunes; and lack of experience with a pluralist, democratic system.
       The republic had some talented leadership but lacked popular, institutional, and economic support. The 1911 republican constitution established only a limited democracy, as only a small portion of the adult male citizenry was eligible to vote. In a country where the majority was Catholic, the republic passed harshly anticlerical laws, and its institutions and supporters persecuted both the Church and its adherents. During its brief disjointed life, the First Republic drafted important reform plans in economic, social, and educational affairs; actively promoted development in the empire; and pursued a liberal, generous foreign policy. Following British requests for Portugal's assistance in World War I, Portugal entered the war on the Allied side in March 1916 and sent armies to Flanders and Portuguese Africa. Portugal's intervention in that conflict, however, was too costly in many respects, and the ultimate failure of the republic in part may be ascribed to Portugal's World War I activities.
       Unfortunately for the republic, its time coincided with new threats to Portugal's African possessions: World War I, social and political demands from various classes that could not be reconciled, excessive military intervention in politics, and, in particular, the worst economic and financial crisis Portugal had experienced since the 16th and 17th centuries. After the original Portuguese Republican Party (PRP, also known as the "Democrats") splintered into three warring groups in 1912, no true multiparty system emerged. The Democrats, except for only one or two elections, held an iron monopoly of electoral power, and political corruption became a major issue. As extreme right-wing dictatorships elsewhere in Europe began to take power in Italy (1922), neighboring Spain (1923), and Greece (1925), what scant popular support remained for the republic collapsed. Backed by a right-wing coalition of landowners from Alentejo, clergy, Coimbra University faculty and students, Catholic organizations, and big business, career military officers led by General Gomes da Costa executed a coup on 28 May 1926, turned out the last republican government, and established a military government.
       The Estado Novo (New State), 1926-74
       During the military phase (1926-32) of the Estado Novo, professional military officers, largely from the army, governed and administered Portugal and held key cabinet posts, but soon discovered that the military possessed no magic formula that could readily solve the problems inherited from the First Republic. Especially during the years 1926-31, the military dictatorship, even with its political repression of republican activities and institutions (military censorship of the press, political police action, and closure of the republic's rowdy parliament), was characterized by similar weaknesses: personalism and factionalism; military coups and political instability, including civil strife and loss of life; state debt and bankruptcy; and a weak economy. "Barracks parliamentarism" was not an acceptable alternative even to the "Nightmare Republic."
       Led by General Óscar Carmona, who had replaced and sent into exile General Gomes da Costa, the military dictatorship turned to a civilian expert in finance and economics to break the budget impasse and bring coherence to the disorganized system. Appointed minister of finance on 27 April 1928, the Coimbra University Law School professor of economics Antônio de Oliveira Salazar (1889-1970) first reformed finance, helped balance the budget, and then turned to other concerns as he garnered extraordinary governing powers. In 1930, he was appointed interim head of another key ministry (Colonies) and within a few years had become, in effect, a civilian dictator who, with the military hierarchy's support, provided the government with coherence, a program, and a set of policies.
       For nearly 40 years after he was appointed the first civilian prime minister in 1932, Salazar's personality dominated the government. Unlike extreme right-wing dictators elsewhere in Europe, Salazar was directly appointed by the army but was never endorsed by a popular political party, street militia, or voter base. The scholarly, reclusive former Coimbra University professor built up what became known after 1932 as the Estado Novo ("New State"), which at the time of its overthrow by another military coup in 1974, was the longest surviving authoritarian regime in Western Europe. The system of Salazar and the largely academic and technocratic ruling group he gathered in his cabinets was based on the central bureaucracy of the state, which was supported by the president of the republic—always a senior career military officer, General Óscar Carmona (1928-51), General Craveiro Lopes (1951-58), and Admiral Américo Tómaz (1958-74)—and the complicity of various institutions. These included a rubber-stamp legislature called the National Assembly (1935-74) and a political police known under various names: PVDE (1932-45), PIDE (1945-69),
       and DGS (1969-74). Other defenders of the Estado Novo security were paramilitary organizations such as the National Republican Guard (GNR); the Portuguese Legion (PL); and the Portuguese Youth [Movement]. In addition to censorship of the media, theater, and books, there was political repression and a deliberate policy of depoliticization. All political parties except for the approved movement of regime loyalists, the União Nacional or (National Union), were banned.
       The most vigorous and more popular period of the New State was 1932-44, when the basic structures were established. Never monolithic or entirely the work of one person (Salazar), the New State was constructed with the assistance of several dozen top associates who were mainly academics from law schools, some technocrats with specialized skills, and a handful of trusted career military officers. The 1933 Constitution declared Portugal to be a "unitary, corporative Republic," and pressures to restore the monarchy were resisted. Although some of the regime's followers were fascists and pseudofascists, many more were conservative Catholics, integralists, nationalists, and monarchists of different varieties, and even some reactionary republicans. If the New State was authoritarian, it was not totalitarian and, unlike fascism in Benito Mussolini's Italy or Adolf Hitler's Germany, it usually employed the minimum of violence necessary to defeat what remained a largely fractious, incoherent opposition.
       With the tumultuous Second Republic and the subsequent civil war in nearby Spain, the regime felt threatened and reinforced its defenses. During what Salazar rightly perceived as a time of foreign policy crisis for Portugal (1936-45), he assumed control of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. From there, he pursued four basic foreign policy objectives: supporting the Nationalist rebels of General Francisco Franco in the Spanish Civil War (1936-39) and concluding defense treaties with a triumphant Franco; ensuring that General Franco in an exhausted Spain did not enter World War II on the Axis side; maintaining Portuguese neutrality in World War II with a post-1942 tilt toward the Allies, including granting Britain and the United States use of bases in the Azores Islands; and preserving and protecting Portugal's Atlantic Islands and its extensive, if poor, overseas empire in Africa and Asia.
       During the middle years of the New State (1944-58), many key Salazar associates in government either died or resigned, and there was greater social unrest in the form of unprecedented strikes and clandestine Communist activities, intensified opposition, and new threatening international pressures on Portugal's overseas empire. During the earlier phase of the Cold War (1947-60), Portugal became a steadfast, if weak, member of the US-dominated North Atlantic Treaty Organization alliance and, in 1955, with American support, Portugal joined the United Nations (UN). Colonial affairs remained a central concern of the regime. As of 1939, Portugal was the third largest colonial power in the world and possessed territories in tropical Africa (Angola, Mozambique, Guinea-Bissau, and São Tomé and Príncipe Islands) and the remnants of its 16th-century empire in Asia (Goa, Damão, Diu, East Timor, and Macau). Beginning in the early 1950s, following the independence of India in 1947, Portugal resisted Indian pressures to decolonize Portuguese India and used police forces to discourage internal opposition in its Asian and African colonies.
       The later years of the New State (1958-68) witnessed the aging of the increasingly isolated but feared Salazar and new threats both at home and overseas. Although the regime easily overcame the brief oppositionist threat from rival presidential candidate General Humberto Delgado in the spring of 1958, new developments in the African and Asian empires imperiled the authoritarian system. In February 1961, oppositionists hijacked the Portuguese ocean liner Santa Maria and, in following weeks, African insurgents in northern Angola, although they failed to expel the Portuguese, gained worldwide media attention, discredited the New State, and began the 13-year colonial war. After thwarting a dissident military coup against his continued leadership, Salazar and his ruling group mobilized military repression in Angola and attempted to develop the African colonies at a faster pace in order to ensure Portuguese control. Meanwhile, the other European colonial powers (Britain, France, Belgium, and Spain) rapidly granted political independence to their African territories.
       At the time of Salazar's removal from power in September 1968, following a stroke, Portugal's efforts to maintain control over its colonies appeared to be successful. President Americo Tomás appointed Dr. Marcello Caetano as Salazar's successor as prime minister. While maintaining the New State's basic structures, and continuing the regime's essential colonial policy, Caetano attempted wider reforms in colonial administration and some devolution of power from Lisbon, as well as more freedom of expression in Lisbon. Still, a great deal of the budget was devoted to supporting the wars against the insurgencies in Africa. Meanwhile in Asia, Portuguese India had fallen when the Indian army invaded in December 1961. The loss of Goa was a psychological blow to the leadership of the New State, and of the Asian empire only East Timor and Macau remained.
       The Caetano years (1968-74) were but a hiatus between the waning Salazar era and a new regime. There was greater political freedom and rapid economic growth (5-6 percent annually to late 1973), but Caetano's government was unable to reform the old system thoroughly and refused to consider new methods either at home or in the empire. In the end, regime change came from junior officers of the professional military who organized the Armed Forces Movement (MFA) against the Caetano government. It was this group of several hundred officers, mainly in the army and navy, which engineered a largely bloodless coup in Lisbon on 25 April 1974. Their unexpected action brought down the 48-year-old New State and made possible the eventual establishment and consolidation of democratic governance in Portugal, as well as a reorientation of the country away from the Atlantic toward Europe.
       Revolution of Carnations, 1974-76
       Following successful military operations of the Armed Forces Movement against the Caetano government, Portugal experienced what became known as the "Revolution of Carnations." It so happened that during the rainy week of the military golpe, Lisbon flower shops were featuring carnations, and the revolutionaries and their supporters adopted the red carnation as the common symbol of the event, as well as of the new freedom from dictatorship. The MFA, whose leaders at first were mostly little-known majors and captains, proclaimed a three-fold program of change for the new Portugal: democracy; decolonization of the overseas empire, after ending the colonial wars; and developing a backward economy in the spirit of opportunity and equality. During the first 24 months after the coup, there was civil strife, some anarchy, and a power struggle. With the passing of the Estado Novo, public euphoria burst forth as the new provisional military government proclaimed the freedoms of speech, press, and assembly, and abolished censorship, the political police, the Portuguese Legion, Portuguese Youth, and other New State organizations, including the National Union. Scores of political parties were born and joined the senior political party, the Portuguese Community Party (PCP), and the Socialist Party (PS), founded shortly before the coup.
       Portugal's Revolution of Carnations went through several phases. There was an attempt to take control by radical leftists, including the PCP and its allies. This was thwarted by moderate officers in the army, as well as by the efforts of two political parties: the PS and the Social Democrats (PPD, later PSD). The first phase was from April to September 1974. Provisional president General Antonio Spínola, whose 1974 book Portugal and the Future had helped prepare public opinion for the coup, met irresistible leftist pressures. After Spinola's efforts to avoid rapid decolonization of the African empire failed, he resigned in September 1974. During the second phase, from September 1974 to March 1975, radical military officers gained control, but a coup attempt by General Spínola and his supporters in Lisbon in March 1975 failed and Spínola fled to Spain.
       In the third phase of the Revolution, March-November 1975, a strong leftist reaction followed. Farm workers occupied and "nationalized" 1.1 million hectares of farmland in the Alentejo province, and radical military officers in the provisional government ordered the nationalization of Portuguese banks (foreign banks were exempted), utilities, and major industries, or about 60 percent of the economic system. There were power struggles among various political parties — a total of 50 emerged—and in the streets there was civil strife among labor, military, and law enforcement groups. A constituent assembly, elected on 25 April 1975, in Portugal's first free elections since 1926, drafted a democratic constitution. The Council of the Revolution (CR), briefly a revolutionary military watchdog committee, was entrenched as part of the government under the constitution, until a later revision. During the chaotic year of 1975, about 30 persons were killed in political frays while unstable provisional governments came and went. On 25 November 1975, moderate military forces led by Colonel Ramalho Eanes, who later was twice elected president of the republic (1976 and 1981), defeated radical, leftist military groups' revolutionary conspiracies.
       In the meantime, Portugal's scattered overseas empire experienced a precipitous and unprepared decolonization. One by one, the former colonies were granted and accepted independence—Guinea-Bissau (September 1974), Cape Verde Islands (July 1975), and Mozambique (July 1975). Portugal offered to turn over Macau to the People's Republic of China, but the offer was refused then and later negotiations led to the establishment of a formal decolonization or hand-over date of 1999. But in two former colonies, the process of decolonization had tragic results.
       In Angola, decolonization negotiations were greatly complicated by the fact that there were three rival nationalist movements in a struggle for power. The January 1975 Alvor Agreement signed by Portugal and these three parties was not effectively implemented. A bloody civil war broke out in Angola in the spring of 1975 and, when Portuguese armed forces withdrew and declared that Angola was independent on 11 November 1975, the bloodshed only increased. Meanwhile, most of the white Portuguese settlers from Angola and Mozambique fled during the course of 1975. Together with African refugees, more than 600,000 of these retornados ("returned ones") went by ship and air to Portugal and thousands more to Namibia, South Africa, Brazil, Canada, and the United States.
       The second major decolonization disaster was in Portugal's colony of East Timor in the Indonesian archipelago. Portugal's capacity to supervise and control a peaceful transition to independence in this isolated, neglected colony was limited by the strength of giant Indonesia, distance from Lisbon, and Portugal's revolutionary disorder and inability to defend Timor. In early December 1975, before Portugal granted formal independence and as one party, FRETILIN, unilaterally declared East Timor's independence, Indonesia's armed forces invaded, conquered, and annexed East Timor. Indonesian occupation encountered East Timorese resistance, and a heavy loss of life followed. The East Timor question remained a contentious international issue in the UN, as well as in Lisbon and Jakarta, for more than 20 years following Indonesia's invasion and annexation of the former colony of Portugal. Major changes occurred, beginning in 1998, after Indonesia underwent a political revolution and allowed a referendum in East Timor to decide that territory's political future in August 1999. Most East Timorese chose independence, but Indonesian forces resisted that verdict until
       UN intervention in September 1999. Following UN rule for several years, East Timor attained full independence on 20 May 2002.
       Consolidation of Democracy, 1976-2000
       After several free elections and record voter turnouts between 25 April 1975 and June 1976, civil war was averted and Portugal's second democratic republic began to stabilize. The MFA was dissolved, the military were returned to the barracks, and increasingly elected civilians took over the government of the country. The 1976 Constitution was revised several times beginning in 1982 and 1989, in order to reempha-size the principle of free enterprise in the economy while much of the large, nationalized sector was privatized. In June 1976, General Ram-alho Eanes was elected the first constitutional president of the republic (five-year term), and he appointed socialist leader Dr. Mário Soares as prime minister of the first constitutional government.
       From 1976 to 1985, Portugal's new system featured a weak economy and finances, labor unrest, and administrative and political instability. The difficult consolidation of democratic governance was eased in part by the strong currency and gold reserves inherited from the Estado Novo, but Lisbon seemed unable to cope with high unemployment, new debt, the complex impact of the refugees from Africa, world recession, and the agitation of political parties. Four major parties emerged from the maelstrom of 1974-75, except for the Communist Party, all newly founded. They were, from left to right, the Communists (PCP); the Socialists (PS), who managed to dominate governments and the legislature but not win a majority in the Assembly of the Republic; the Social Democrats (PSD); and the Christian Democrats (CDS). During this period, the annual growth rate was low (l-2 percent), and the nationalized sector of the economy stagnated.
       Enhanced economic growth, greater political stability, and more effective central government as of 1985, and especially 1987, were due to several developments. In 1977, Portugal applied for membership in the European Economic Community (EEC), now the European Union (EU) since 1993. In January 1986, with Spain, Portugal was granted membership, and economic and financial progress in the intervening years has been significantly influenced by the comparatively large investment, loans, technology, advice, and other assistance from the EEC. Low unemployment, high annual growth rates (5 percent), and moderate inflation have also been induced by the new political and administrative stability in Lisbon. Led by Prime Minister Cavaco Silva, an economist who was trained abroad, the PSD's strong organization, management, and electoral support since 1985 have assisted in encouraging economic recovery and development. In 1985, the PSD turned the PS out of office and won the general election, although they did not have an absolute majority of assembly seats. In 1986, Mário Soares was elected president of the republic, the first civilian to hold that office since the First Republic. In the elections of 1987 and 1991, however, the PSD was returned to power with clear majorities of over 50 percent of the vote.
       Although the PSD received 50.4 percent of the vote in the 1991 parliamentary elections and held a 42-seat majority in the Assembly of the Republic, the party began to lose public support following media revelations regarding corruption and complaints about Prime Minister Cavaco Silva's perceived arrogant leadership style. President Mário Soares voiced criticism of the PSD's seemingly untouchable majority and described a "tyranny of the majority." Economic growth slowed down. In the parliamentary elections of 1995 and the presidential election of 1996, the PSD's dominance ended for the time being. Prime Minister Antônio Guterres came to office when the PS won the October 1995 elections, and in the subsequent presidential contest, in January 1996, socialist Jorge Sampaio, the former mayor of Lisbon, was elected president of the republic, thus defeating Cavaco Silva's bid. Young and popular, Guterres moved the PS toward the center of the political spectrum. Under Guterres, the PS won the October 1999 parliamentary elections. The PS defeated the PSD but did not manage to win a clear, working majority of seats, and this made the PS dependent upon alliances with smaller parties, including the PCP.
       In the local elections in December 2001, the PSD's criticism of PS's heavy public spending allowed the PSD to take control of the key cities of Lisbon, Oporto, and Coimbra. Guterres resigned, and parliamentary elections were brought forward from 2004 to March 2002. The PSD won a narrow victory with 40 percent of the votes, and Jose Durão Barroso became prime minister. Having failed to win a majority of the seats in parliament forced the PSD to govern in coalition with the right-wing Popular Party (PP) led by Paulo Portas. Durão Barroso set about reducing government spending by cutting the budgets of local authorities, freezing civil service hiring, and reviving the economy by accelerating privatization of state-owned enterprises. These measures provoked a 24-hour strike by public-sector workers. Durão Barroso reacted with vows to press ahead with budget-cutting measures and imposed a wage freeze on all employees earning more than €1,000, which affected more than one-half of Portugal's work force.
       In June 2004, Durão Barroso was invited by Romano Prodi to succeed him as president of the European Commission. Durão Barroso accepted and resigned the prime ministership in July. Pedro Santana Lopes, the leader of the PSD, became prime minister. Already unpopular at the time of Durão Barroso's resignation, the PSD-led government became increasingly unpopular under Santana Lopes. A month-long delay in the start of the school year and confusion over his plan to cut taxes and raise public-sector salaries, eroded confidence even more. By November, Santana Lopes's government was so unpopular that President Jorge Sampaio was obliged to dissolve parliament and hold new elections, two years ahead of schedule.
       Parliamentary elections were held on 20 February 2005. The PS, which had promised the electorate disciplined and transparent governance, educational reform, the alleviation of poverty, and a boost in employment, won 45 percent of the vote and the majority of the seats in parliament. The leader of the PS, José Sôcrates became prime minister on 12 March 2005. In the regularly scheduled presidential elections held on 6 January 2006, the former leader of the PSD and prime minister, Aníbal Cavaco Silva, won a narrow victory and became president on 9 March 2006. With a mass protest, public teachers' strike, and street demonstrations in March 2008, Portugal's media, educational, and social systems experienced more severe pressures. With the spreading global recession beginning in September 2008, Portugal's economic and financial systems became more troubled.
       Owing to its geographic location on the southwestern most edge of continental Europe, Portugal has been historically in but not of Europe. Almost from the beginning of its existence in the 12th century as an independent monarchy, Portugal turned its back on Europe and oriented itself toward the Atlantic Ocean. After carving out a Christian kingdom on the western portion of the Iberian peninsula, Portuguese kings gradually built and maintained a vast seaborne global empire that became central to the way Portugal understood its individuality as a nation-state. While the creation of this empire allows Portugal to claim an unusual number of "firsts" or distinctions in world and Western history, it also retarded Portugal's economic, social, and political development. It can be reasonably argued that the Revolution of 25 April 1974 was the most decisive event in Portugal's long history because it finally ended Portugal's oceanic mission and view of itself as an imperial power. After the 1974 Revolution, Portugal turned away from its global mission and vigorously reoriented itself toward Europe. Contemporary Portugal is now both in and of Europe.
       The turn toward Europe began immediately after 25 April 1974. Portugal granted independence to its African colonies in 1975. It was admitted to the European Council and took the first steps toward accession to the European Economic Community (EEC) in 1976. On 28 March 1977, the Portuguese government officially applied for EEC membership. Because of Portugal's economic and social backwardness, which would require vast sums of EEC money to overcome, negotiations for membership were long and difficult. Finally, a treaty of accession was signed on 12 June 1985. Portugal officially joined the EEC (the European Union [EU] since 1993) on 1 January 1986. Since becoming a full-fledged member of the EU, Portugal has been steadily overcoming the economic and social underdevelopment caused by its imperial past and is becoming more like the rest of Europe.
       Membership in the EU has speeded up the structural transformation of Portugal's economy, which actually began during the Estado Novo. Investments made by the Estado Novo in Portugal's economy began to shift employment out of the agricultural sector, which, in 1950, accounted for 50 percent of Portugal's economically active population. Today, only 10 percent of the economically active population is employed in the agricultural sector (the highest among EU member states); 30 percent in the industrial sector (also the highest among EU member states); and 60 percent in the service sector (the lowest among EU member states). The economically active population numbers about 5,000,000 employed, 56 percent of whom are women. Women workers are the majority of the workforce in the agricultural and service sectors (the highest among the EU member states). The expansion of the service sector has been primarily in health care and education. Portugal has had the lowest unemployment rates among EU member states, with the overall rate never being more than 10 percent of the active population. Since joining the EU, the number of employers increased from 2.6 percent to 5.8 percent of the active population; self-employed from 16 to 19 percent; and employees from 65 to 70 percent. Twenty-six percent of the employers are women. Unemployment tends to hit younger workers in industry and transportation, women employed in domestic service, workers on short-term contracts, and poorly educated workers. Salaried workers earn only 63 percent of the EU average, and hourly workers only one-third to one-half of that earned by their EU counterparts. Despite having had the second highest growth of gross national product (GNP) per inhabitant (after Ireland) among EU member states, the above data suggest that while much has been accomplished in terms of modernizing the Portuguese economy, much remains to be done to bring Portugal's economy up to the level of the "average" EU member state.
       Membership in the EU has also speeded up changes in Portuguese society. Over the last 30 years, coastalization and urbanization have intensified. Fully 50 percent of Portuguese live in the coastal urban conurbations of Lisbon, Oporto, Braga, Aveiro, Coimbra, Viseu, Évora, and Faro. The Portuguese population is one of the oldest among EU member states (17.3 percent are 65 years of age or older) thanks to a considerable increase in life expectancy at birth (77.87 years for the total population, 74.6 years for men, 81.36 years for women) and one of the lowest birthrates (10.59 births/1,000) in Europe. Family size averages 2.8 persons per household, with the strict nuclear family (one or two generations) in which both parents work being typical. Common law marriages, cohabitating couples, and single-parent households are more and more common. The divorce rate has also increased. "Youth Culture" has developed. The young have their own meeting places, leisure-time activities, and nightlife (bars, clubs, and discos).
       All Portuguese citizens, whether they have contributed or not, have a right to an old-age pension, invalidity benefits, widowed persons' pension, as well as payments for disabilities, children, unemployment, and large families. There is a national minimum wage (€385 per month), which is low by EU standards. The rapid aging of Portugal's population has changed the ratio of contributors to pensioners to 1.7, the lowest in the EU. This has created deficits in Portugal's social security fund.
       The adult literacy rate is about 92 percent. Illiteracy is still found among the elderly. Although universal compulsory education up to grade 9 was achieved in 1980, only 21.2 percent of the population aged 25-64 had undergone secondary education, compared to an EU average of 65.7 percent. Portugal's higher education system currently consists of 14 state universities and 14 private universities, 15 state polytechnic institutions, one Catholic university, and one military academy. All in all, Portugal spends a greater percentage of its state budget on education than most EU member states. Despite this high level of expenditure, the troubled Portuguese education system does not perform well. Early leaving and repetition rates are among the highest among EU member states.
       After the Revolution of 25 April 1974, Portugal created a National Health Service, which today consists of 221 hospitals and 512 medical centers employing 33,751 doctors and 41,799 nurses. Like its education system, Portugal's medical system is inefficient. There are long waiting lists for appointments with specialists and for surgical procedures.
       Structural changes in Portugal's economy and society mean that social life in Portugal is not too different from that in other EU member states. A mass consumption society has been created. Televisions, telephones, refrigerators, cars, music equipment, mobile phones, and personal computers are commonplace. Sixty percent of Portuguese households possess at least one automobile, and 65 percent of Portuguese own their own home. Portuguese citizens are more aware of their legal rights than ever before. This has resulted in a trebling of the number of legal proceeding since 1960 and an eight-fold increase in the number of lawyers. In general, Portuguese society has become more permissive and secular; the Catholic Church and the armed forces are much less influential than in the past. Portugal's population is also much more culturally, religiously, and ethnically diverse, a consequence of the coming to Portugal of hundreds of thousands of immigrants, mainly from former African colonies.
       Portuguese are becoming more cosmopolitan and sophisticated through the impact of world media, the Internet, and the World Wide Web. A prime case in point came in the summer and early fall of 1999, with the extraordinary events in East Timor and the massive Portuguese popular responses. An internationally monitored referendum in East Timor, Portugal's former colony in the Indonesian archipelago and under Indonesian occupation from late 1975 to summer 1999, resulted in a vote of 78.5 percent for rejecting integration with Indonesia and for independence. When Indonesian prointegration gangs, aided by the Indonesian military, responded to the referendum with widespread brutality and threatened to reverse the verdict of the referendum, there was a spontaneous popular outpouring of protest in the cities and towns of Portugal. An avalanche of Portuguese e-mail fell on leaders and groups in the UN and in certain countries around the world as Portugal's diplomats, perhaps to compensate for the weak initial response to Indonesian armed aggression in 1975, called for the protection of East Timor as an independent state and for UN intervention to thwart Indonesian action. Using global communications networks, the Portuguese were able to mobilize UN and world public opinion against Indonesian actions and aided the eventual independence of East Timor on 20 May 2002.
       From the Revolution of 25 April 1974 until the 1990s, Portugal had a large number of political parties, one of the largest Communist parties in western Europe, frequent elections, and endemic cabinet instability. Since the 1990s, the number of political parties has been dramatically reduced and cabinet stability increased. Gradually, the Portuguese electorate has concentrated around two larger parties, the right-of-center Social Democrats (PSD) and the left-of-center Socialist (PS). In the 1980s, these two parties together garnered 65 percent of the vote and 70 percent of the seats in parliament. In 2005, these percentages had risen to 74 percent and 85 percent, respectively. In effect, Portugal is currently a two-party dominant system in which the two largest parties — PS and PSD—alternate in and out of power, not unlike the rotation of the two main political parties (the Regenerators and the Historicals) during the last decades (1850s to 1880s) of the liberal constitutional monarchy. As Portugal's democracy has consolidated, turnout rates for the eligible electorate have declined. In the 1970s, turnout was 85 percent. In Portugal's most recent parliamentary election (2005), turnout had fallen to 65 percent of the eligible electorate.
       Portugal has benefited greatly from membership in the EU, and whatever doubts remain about the price paid for membership, no Portuguese government in the near future can afford to sever this connection. The vast majority of Portuguese citizens see membership in the EU as a "good thing" and strongly believe that Portugal has benefited from membership. Only the Communist Party opposed membership because it reduces national sovereignty, serves the interests of capitalists not workers, and suffers from a democratic deficit. Despite the high level of support for the EU, Portuguese voters are increasingly not voting in elections for the European Parliament, however. Turnout for European Parliament elections fell from 40 percent of the eligible electorate in the 1999 elections to 38 percent in the 2004 elections.
       In sum, Portugal's turn toward Europe has done much to overcome its backwardness. However, despite the economic, social, and political progress made since 1986, Portugal has a long way to go before it can claim to be on a par with the level found even in Spain, much less the rest of western Europe. As Portugal struggles to move from underde-velopment, especially in the rural areas away from the coast, it must keep in mind the perils of too rapid modern development, which could damage two of its most precious assets: its scenery and environment. The growth and future prosperity of the economy will depend on the degree to which the government and the private sector will remain stewards of clean air, soil, water, and other finite resources on which the tourism industry depends and on which Portugal's world image as a unique place to visit rests. Currently, Portugal is investing heavily in renewable energy from solar, wind, and wave power in order to account for about 50 percent of its electricity needs by 2010. Portugal opened the world's largest solar power plant and the world's first commercial wave power farm in 2006.
       An American documentary film on Portugal produced in the 1970s described this little country as having "a Past in Search of a Future." In the years after the Revolution of 25 April 1974, it could be said that Portugal is now living in "a Present in Search of a Future." Increasingly, that future lies in Europe as an active and productive member of the EU.

    Historical dictionary of Portugal > Historical Portugal

  • 5 Vermuyden, Sir Cornelius

    SUBJECT AREA: Civil engineering
    [br]
    b. c. 1590 St Maartensdijk, Zeeland, the Netherlands
    d. 4 February 1656 probably London, England
    [br]
    Dutch/British civil engineer responsible for many of the drainage and flood-protection schemes in low-lying areas of England in the seventeenth century.
    [br]
    At the beginning of the seventeenth century, several wealthy men in England joined forces as "adventurers" to put their money into land ventures. One such group was responsible for the draining of the Fens. The first need was to find engineers who were versed in the processes of land drainage, particularly when that land was at, or below, sea level. It was natural, therefore, to turn to the Netherlands to find these skilled men. Joachim Liens was one of the first of the Dutch engineers to go to England, and he started work on the Great Level; however, no real progress was made until 1621, when Cornelius Vermuyden was brought to England to assist in the work.
    Vermuyden had grown up in a district where he could see for himself the techniques of embanking and reclaiming land from the sea. He acquired a reputation of expertise in this field, and by 1621 his fame had spread to England. In that year the Thames had flooded and breached its banks near Havering and Dagenham in Essex. Vermuyden was commissioned to repair the breach and drain neighbouring marshland, with what he claimed as complete success. The Commissioners of Sewers for Essex disputed this claim and whthheld his fee, but King Charles I granted him a portion of the reclaimed land as compensation.
    In 1626 Vermuyden carried out his first scheme for drainage works as a consultant. This was the drainage of Hatfield Chase in South Yorkshire. Charles I was, in fact, Vermuyden's employer in the drainage of the Chase, and the work was undertaken as a means of raising additional rents for the Royal Exchequer. Vermuyden was himself an "adventurer" in the undertaking, putting capital into the venture and receiving the title to a considerable proportion of the drained lands. One of the important elements of his drainage designs was the principal of "washes", which were flat areas between the protective dykes and the rivers to carry flood waters, to prevent them spreading on to nearby land. Vermuyden faced bitter opposition from those whose livelihoods depended on the marshlands and who resorted to sabotage of the embankments and violence against his imported Dutch workmen to defend their rights. The work could not be completed until arbiters had ruled out on the respective rights of the parties involved. Disagreements and criticism of his engineering practices continued and he gave up his interest in Hatfield Chase. The Hatfield Chase undertaking was not a great success, although the land is now rich farmland around the river Don in Doncaster. However, the involved financial and land-ownership arrangements were the key to the granting of a knighthood to Cornelius Vermuyden in January 1628, and in 1630 he purchased 4,000 acres of low-lying land on Sedgemoor in Somerset.
    In 1629 Vermuyden embarked on his most important work, that of draining the Great Level in the fenlands of East Anglia. Francis Russell, 4th Earl of Bedford, was given charge of the work, with Vermuyden as Engineer; in this venture they were speculators and partners and were recompensed by a grant of land. The area which contains the Cambridgeshire tributaries of the Great Ouse were subject to severe and usually annual flooding. The works to contain the rivers in their flood period were important. Whilst the rivers were contained with the enclosed flood plain, the land beyond became highly sought-after because of the quality of the soil. The fourteen "adventurers" who eventually came into partnership with the Earl of Bedford and Vermuyden were the financiers of the scheme and also received land in accordance with their input into the scheme. In 1637 the work was claimed to be complete, but this was disputed, with Vermuyden defending himself against criticism in a pamphlet entitled Discourse Touching the Great Fennes (1638; 1642, London). In fact, much remained to be done, and after an interruption due to the Civil War the scheme was finished in 1652. Whilst the process of the Great Level works had closely involved the King, Oliver Cromwell was equally concerned over the success of the scheme. By 1655 Cornelius Vermuyden had ceased to have anything to do with the Great Level. At that stage he was asked to account for large sums granted to him to expedite the work but was unable to do so; most of his assets were seized to cover the deficiency, and from then on he subsided into obscurity and poverty.
    While Cornelius Vermuyden, as a Dutchman, was well versed in the drainage needs of his own country, he developed his skills as a hydraulic engineer in England and drained acres of derelict flooded land.
    [br]
    Principal Honours and Distinctions
    Knighted 1628.
    Further Reading
    L.E.Harris, 1953, Vermuyden and the Fens, London: Cleaver Hume Press. J.Korthals-Altes, 1977, Sir Cornelius Vermuyden: The Lifework of a Great Anglo-
    Dutchman in Land-Reclamation and Drainage, New York: Alto Press.
    KM / LRD

    Biographical history of technology > Vermuyden, Sir Cornelius

  • 6 ὄνομα

    ὄνομα, ατος, τό (Hom.+).
    proper name of an entity, name
    gener. τῶν ἀποστόλων τὰ ὀνόματα ἐστιν ταῦτα Mt 10:2; cp. Rv 21:14. τῶν παρθένων τὰ ὀν. Hs 9, 15, 1. τὸ ὄνομα τοῦ πατρός Lk 1:59. ὄν. μοι, sc. ἐστίν, my name is (Od. 9, 366) Mk 5:9b. τί ὄν. σοι; what is your name? vs. 9a; w. copula Lk 8:30.—The expressions ᾧ (ᾗ) ὄν., οὗ τὸ ὄν., καὶ τὸ ὄν. αὐτοῦ (αὐτῆς), ὄν. αὐτῷ (parenthetic) are almost always without the copula (B-D-F §128, 3; Rob. 395): ᾧ (ᾗ) ὄν. (Sb 7573, 13 [116 A.D.]; Demetr.: 722 Fgm. 1, 5 Jac.; Just., A I, 53, 8 ᾧ ὄν. Λώτ) Lk 1:26, 27a; 2:25; 8:41; 24:13, 18 v.l.; Ac 13:6.—οὗ τὸ ὄν. (without a verb as BGU 344, 1) Mk 14:32. Cp. ὧν τὰ ὀνόματα ἐν βίβλῳ ζωῆς Phil 4:3 (ὧν τὰ ὀν. is a formula [Dssm., LO 95=LAE 121]. S. esp. BGU 432 II, 3 ὧν τὰ ὀν. τῷ βιβλιδίῳ δεδήλωται).—καὶ τὸ ὄν. αὐτῆς Lk 1:5b. καὶ τὸ ὄν. τῆς παρθένου Μαριάμ vs. 27b.—ὄν. αὐτῷ (Demosth. 32, 11 Ἀριστοφῶν ὄνομʼ αὐτῷ; Dionys. Hal. 8, 89, 4; Aelian, NA 8, 2 γυνὴ … Ἡρακληὶς ὄν. αὐτῇ; LXX) J 1:6; 3:1. ὁ καθήμενος ἐπάνω αὐτοῦ (i.e. τοῦ ἵππου), ὄν. αὐτῷ (ὁ) θάνατος Rv 6:8; cp. 9:11a.—W. the copula ἦν δὲ ὄν. τῷ δούλῳ Μάλχος J 18:10 (POxy 465, 12 ὁ δὲ κραταιὸς αὐτοῦ, ὄν. αὐτῷ ἐστιν Νεβύ, μηνύει; Jos., Ant. 19, 332). ἄγγελος …, οὗ τὸ ὄν. ἐστιν Θεγρί Hv 4, 2, 4.—The dat. is quite freq. ὀνόματι named, by name (X., Hell. 1, 6, 29 Σάμιος ὀνόματι Ἱππεύς; Tob 6:11 BA; 4 Macc 5:4; Just., D. 85, 6; 115, 3; B-D-F §160; 197; Rob. 487) ἄνθρωπον ὀν. Σίμωνα Mt 27:32; cp. Mk 5:22; Lk 1:5a; 5:27; 10:38; 16:20; 23:50; 24:18; Ac 5:1, 34; 8:9; 9:10–12, 33, 36; 10:1; 11:28; 12:13; 16:1, 14; 17:34; 18:2, 7, 24; 19:24; 20:9; 21:10; 27:1; 28:7; MPol 4. Also the acc. τοὔνομα (on the crasis s. B-D-F §18; Mlt-H. 63; FPreisigke, Griech. Urkunden des ägypt. Mus. zu Kairo [1911] 2, 6 γυνὴ Ταμοῦνις τοὔνομα; Diod S 2, 45, 4 πόλιν τοὔνομα Θ.; Lucian, Dial. Deor. 3; Philo, Leg. All. 1, 68; Jos., Ant. 7, 344, Vi. 382) named, by name (the acc. as X. et al., also 2 Macc 12:13; Demetr.: 722 Fgm. 1, 5 Jac. υἱὸν ὄ. Δάν.—B-D-F §160; Rob. 487) Mt 27:57. (Cp. ὄν. gener. as ‘mode of expression’ εἰ καὶ διάφορα ὀνόματα ἐστιν, ἀλλʼ … οἰκείαν … δέχεται τὴν νόησιν although there are various ways of expressing it, it nevertheless has a definite sense Did., Gen. 86, 22 [of various metaphors and images for the soul].)
    used w. verbs
    α. as their obj.: ὄν. ἔχειν Did., Gen. 29, 6 bear the name or as name, be named ὄν. ἔχει Ἀπολλύων Rv 9:11b (in this case the name Ἀ. stands independently in the nom.; B-D-F §143; Rob. 458). καλεῖν τὸ ὄν. τινος w. the name foll. in the acc. (after the Hb.; B-D-F §157, 2; Rob. 459) καλέσεις τὸ ὄν. αὐτοῦ Ἰησοῦν you are to name him Jesus Mt 1:21; Lk 1:31.—Mt 1:25. καλέσεις τὸ ὄν. αὐτοῦ Ἰωάννην Lk 1:13. καλέσουσιν τὸ ὄν. αὐτοῦ Ἐμμανουήλ Mt 1:23 (Is 7:14). διδόναι GJs 6:2. Pass. w. the name in the nom. (cp. GrBar 6:10 Φοῖνιξ καλεῖται τὸ ὄν. μου) ἐκλήθη τὸ ὄν. αὐτοῦ Ἰησοῦς Lk 2:21; cp. Rv 19:13. Also τὸ ὄν. τοῦ ἀστέρος λέγεται ὁ ῎ Αψινθος Rv 8:11.—ἐπιθεῖναι ὄν. τινι w. acc. of the name Mk 3:16f; cp. 12:8f; κληρονομεῖν ὄν. receive a name Hb 1:4=1 Cl 36:2. κληροῦσθαι τὸ αὐτὸ ὄν. obtain the same name (s. κληρόω 2) MPol 6:2.—τὰ ὀν. ὑμῶν ἐγγέγραπται ἐν τοῖς οὐρανοῖς Lk 10:20.—Rv 13:8; 17:8. ἐξαλείψω τὸ ὄν. αὐτῶν 1 Cl 53:3 (Dt 9:14); Rv 3:5a (perh. to be placed in 4 below); s. ἐξαλείφω.
    β. in another way (εἰ δέ τις ὀνόματι καλέσει but if anyone is so named Hippol., Ref. 6, 20, 2): ὸ̔ς καλεῖται τῷ ὀνόματι τούτῳ who is so named Lk 1:61. ἀνὴρ ὀνόματι καλούμενος Ζακχαῖος a man whose name was Zacchaeus 19:2. καλεῖν τι (i.e. παιδίον) ἐπὶ τῷ ὀνόματί τινος name someone after someone 1:59. Cp. IMg 10:1. This leads to
    used w. prepositions: ἐξ ὀνόματος (Ctesias, Ind. p. 105 M.: Diod S 13, 15, 1; 37, 15, 2; Appian, Mithrid. 59, §243, Bell. Civ. 3, 21 §77; 4, 73 §310; PGM 4, 2973; Jos., Ant. 2, 275) by name, individually, one by one (so that no one is lost in the crowd) ἐξ ὀν. πάντας ζήτει IPol 4:2. ἀσπάζομαι πάντας ἐξ ὀνόματος 8:2. πάντες ἐξ ὀν. συνέρχεσθε (parallel to κατʼ ἄνδρα) IEph 20:2.—κατʼ ὄν. by name, individually (Diod S 16, 44, 2; Gen 25:13; EpArist 247; Jos., Bell. 7, 14) J 10:3 (New Docs 3, 77f; animals called individually by name: Ps.-Aristot., Mirabil. 118.—HAlmqvist, Plut. u. das NT ’46, 74). Esp. in greetings (BGU 27, 18 [II A.D.] ἀσπάζομαι πάντας τοὺς φιλοῦντάς σε κατʼ ὄν.; POxy 1070, 46; pap in Dssm., LO 160/1, ln. 14f [LAE 193, ln. 15, note 21]; New Docs 3, 77f) 3J 15; ISm 13:2b. ῥάβδους ἐπιγεγραμμένας ἑκάστης φυλῆς κατʼ ὄν. staffs, each one inscribed with the name of a tribe 1 Cl 43:2b.
    used in combination with God and Jesus. On the significance of the Divine Name in history of religions s. FGiesebrecht, Die atl. Schätzung des Gottesnamens 1901; Bousset, Rel.3 309ff; ADieterich, Eine Mithrasliturgie 1903, 110ff; FConybeare, JQR 8, 1896; 9, 1897, esp. 9, 581ff; JBoehmer, Das bibl. ‘im Namen’ 1898, BFCT V 6, 1901, 49ff, Studierstube 2, 1904, 324ff; 388ff; 452ff; 516ff; 580ff; BJacob, Im Namen Gottes 1903;WHeitmüller, ‘Im Namen Jesu’ 1903; WBrandt, TT 25, 1891, 565ff; 26, 1892, 193ff; 38, 1904, 355ff; RHirzel, Der Name: ASG 36, 2, 1918; Schürer III4 409–11; HObbink, De magische betekenis van den naam inzonderheid in het oude Egypte 1925; OGrether, Name u. Wort Gottes im AT ’34; HHuffman, Name: 1148–52.—The belief in the efficacy of the name is extremely old; its origin goes back to the most ancient times and the most primitive forms of intellectual and religious life. It has exhibited an extraordinary vitality. The period of our lit. also sees—within as well as without the new community of believers—in the name someth. real, a piece of the very nature of the personality whom it designates, expressing the person’s qualities and powers. Accordingly, names, esp. holy names, are revered and used in customary practices and ritual (σέβεσθαι θεῶν ὀνόματα Theoph. Ant., 1, 9 [p. 76, 7]), including magic. In Israelite tradition the greatest reverence was paid to the holy name of God and to its numerous paraphrases or substitutes; the names of angels and patriarchs occupied a secondary place. The syncretistic practices of the period revered the names of gods, daemons, and heroes, or even magic words that made no sense at all, but had a mysterious sound. The Judeo-Christians revere and use the name of God and, of course, the name of Jesus. On magic in Jewish circles, s. Schürer III 342–79; for the NT period in general s. MSmith, Clement of Alexandria and a Secret Gospel of Mark ’73, 195–230.—The names of God and Jesus
    α. in combination w. attributes: διαφορώτερον ὄν. a more excellent name Hb 1:4=1 Cl 36:2 (διάφορος 2). ἅγιον τὸ ὄν. αὐτοῦ Lk 1:49 (cp. Ps 110:9; Lev 18:21; 22:2; PGM 3, 570; 627; 4, 1005; 3071; 5, 77; 13, 561 μέγα κ. ἅγιον). τὸ μεγαλοπρεπὲς καὶ ἅγιον ὄν. αὐτοῦ 1 Cl 64; τὸ μέγα καὶ ἔνδοξον ὄν. Hv 4, 1, 3; 4, 2, 4 (on ἔνδοξον ὄν., cp. EPeterson, Εἷ θεός 1926, 282.—ὄν. μέγα κ. ἅγ. κ. ἔνδ.: PGM 13, 183f; 504f). τὸ μέγα καὶ θαυμαστὸν καὶ ἔνδοξον ὄν. Hs 9, 18, 5; τὸ πανάγιον καὶ ἔνδοξον ὄν. 1 Cl 58:1a; τοῦ παντοκράτορος καὶ ἐνδόξου ὄν. Hv 3, 3, 5; τὸ πανάρετον ὄν. 1 Cl 45:7; τῷ παντοκράτορι καὶ ἐνδόξῳ ὀνόματι 60:4; τὸ ὁσιώτατον τῆς μεγαλωσύνης αὐτοῦ ὄν. 58:1b. τὸ ὄν. μου θαυμαστὸν ἐν τοῖς ἔθνεσι D 14:3 (cp. Mal 1:14). The words ὄν. θεοπρεπέστατον IMg 1:2 are difficult to interpret (s. Hdb. ad loc.; θεοπρεπής b).
    β. in combination w. verbs: ἁγιάζειν τὸ ὄν. Mt 6:9 (AFridrichsen, Helligt vorde dit naun: DTT 8, 1917, 1–16). Lk 11:2; D 8:2 (ἁγιάζω 3). βλασφημεῖν (q.v. bγ) τὸ ὄν. Rv 13:6; 16:9; pass. βλασφημεῖται τὸ ὄν. (Is 52:5) Ro 2:24; 2 Cl 13:1f, 4; ITr 8:2. βλασφημίας ἐπιφέρεσθαι τῷ ὀν. κυρίου bring blasphemy upon the name of the Lord 1 Cl 47:7. πφοσέθηκαν κατὰ ὄν. τοῦ κυρίου βλασφημίαν Hs 6, 2, 3; βεβηλοῦν τὸ ὄν. 8, 6, 2 (s. βεβηλόω). ἀπαγγελῶ τὸ ὄν. τ. ἀδελφοῖς μου Hb 2:12 (cp. Ps 21:23). ὅπως διαγγελῇ τὸ ὄν. μου ἐν πάσῃ τῇ γῇ Ro 9:17 (Ex 9:16). δοξάζειν τὸ ὄν. (σου, τοῦ κυρίου, τοῦ θεοῦ etc.) Rv 15:4; 1 Cl 43:6; IPhld 10:1; Hv 2, 1, 2; 3, 4, 3; 4, 1, 3; Hs 9, 18, 5 (s. δοξάζω 1; cp. GJs 7:2; 12:1[w. ref. to name of Mary]). ὅπως ἐνδοξασθῇ τὸ ὄν. τοῦ κυρίου ἡμῶν Ἰησοῦ 2 Th 1:12. ἐλπίζειν τῷ ὀν. Mt 12:21 (vv.ll. ἐν or ἐπὶ τῷ ὀν.; the pass. on which it is based, Is 42:4, has ἐπὶ τῷ ὀν.). ἐπικαλεῖσθαι τὸ ὄν. κυρίου (as PsSol 6:1) or αὐτοῦ, σου etc. (w. ref. to God or Christ) call on the name of the Lord Ac 2:21 (Jo 3:5); 9:14, 21; 22:16; Ro 10:13 (Jo 3:5); 1 Cor 1:2. ψυχὴ ἐπικεκλημένη τὸ μεγαλοπρεπὲς καὶ ἅγιον ὄν. αὐτοῦ a person who calls upon his exalted and holy name 1 Cl 64.—Pass. πάντα τὰ ἔθνη ἐφʼ οὓς ἐπικέκληται τὸ ὄν. μου ἐπʼ αὐτούς Ac 15:17 (Am 9:12). τὸ καλὸν ὄν. τὸ ἐπικληθὲν ἐφʼ ὑμᾶς Js 2:7 (on καλὸν ὄν. cp. Sb 343, 9 and the Pompeian graffito in Dssm., LO 237 [LAE 276]). πάντες οἱ ἐπικαλούμενοι τῷ ὀν. αὐτοῦ all those who are called by (the Lord’s) name Hs 9, 14, 3; cp. οἱ κεκλημένοι τῷ ὀν. κυρίου those who are called by the name of the Lord 8, 1, 1. ἐπαισχύνεσθαι τὸ ὄν. κυρίου τὸ ἐπικληθὲν ἐπʼ αὐτούς be ashamed of the name that is named over them 8, 6, 4. ὁμολογεῖν τῷ ὀν. αὐτοῦ praise his name Hb 13:15 (cp. PsSol 15:2 ἐξομολογήσασθαι τῷ ὀνόματι σου). ὀνομάζειν τὸ ὄν. κυρίου 2 Ti 2:19 (Is 26:13). ψάλλειν τῷ ὀν. σου Ro 15:9 (Ps 17:50). οὐ μὴ λάβῃς ἐπὶ ματαίῳ τὸ ὄν. κυρίου 19:5 (Ex 20:7; Dt 5:11).—Although in the preceding examples the name is oft. practically inseparable fr. the being that bears it, this is perh. even more true of the foll. cases, in which the name appears almost as the representation of the Godhead, as a tangible manifestation of the divine nature (Quint. Smyrn. 9, 465 Polidarius, when healing, calls on οὔνομα πατρὸς ἑοῖο ‘the name of his father’ [Asclepius]; τοσοῦτον … δύναται τὸ ὄ. τοῦ Ἰησοῦ κατὰ τῶν δαιμόνων Orig., C. Cels. 1, 56, 11; Dt 18:7; 3 Km 8:16; Ps 68:37; Zech 13:2 ἐξολεθρεύσω τὰ ὀν. τῶν εἰδώλων; Zeph 1:4; PsSol 7:6; Just., D. 121, 3 ὑποτάσσεσθαι αὐτοῦ ὀν.): the ‘name’ of God is ἀρχέγονον πάσης κτίσεως 1 Cl 59:3. Sim. τὸ ὄν. τοῦ υἱοῦ τοῦ θεοῦ μέγα ἐστὶ καὶ τὸν κόσμον ὅλον βαστάζει Hs 9, 14, 5. λατρεύειν τῷ παναρέτῳ ὀν. αὐτοῦ worship the most excellent name (of the Most High) 1 Cl 45:7. ὑπακούειν τῷ παναγίῳ καὶ ἐνδόξῳ ὀν. αὐτοῦ be obedient to his most holy and glorious name 58:1a. ὑπήκοον γενέσθαι τῷ παντοκρατορικῷ καὶ παναρέτῳ ὀν. 60:4. κηρύσσειν τὸ ὄν. τοῦ υἱοῦ τοῦ θεοῦ Hs 9, 16, 5. ἐπιγινώσκειν τὸ ὄν. τοῦ υἱοῦ τοῦ θεοῦ 9, 16, 7. φοβεῖσθαι τὸ ὄν. σου Rv 11:18. φανεροῦν τινι τὸ ὄν. σου J 17:6. γνωρίζειν τινὶ τὸ ὄν. σου vs. 26. πιστεύειν τῷ ὀν. τοῦ υἱοῦ αὐτοῦ believe in the name of (God’s) son 1J 3:23. Also πιστεύειν εἰς τὸ ὄν. (s. γב below and s. πιστεύω 2aβ).—Of the name borne by followers of Jesus Christ (cp. Theoph. Ant. 1, 1 [p. 58, 13]): κρατεῖς τὸ ὄν. μου you cling to my name Rv 2:13. The same mng. also holds for the expressions: λαμβάνειν τὸ ὄν. τοῦ υἱοῦ αὐτοῦ Hs 9, 12, 4; 8; 9, 13, 2a; 7. τοῦ βαστάσαι τὸ ὄν. μου ἐνώπιον ἐθνῶν to bear my name before (the) Gentiles Ac 9:15. τὸ ὄν. ἡδέως βαστάζειν bear the name gladly Hs 8, 10, 3; cp. 9, 28, 5b. τὸ ὄν. τοῦ υἱοῦ τοῦ θεοῦ φορεῖν 9, 13, 3; 9, 14, 5f; 9, 15, 2; cp. 9, 13, 2b. Christians receive this name at their baptism: πρὶν φορέσαι τὸν ἄνθρωπον τὸ ὄν. τοῦ υἱοῦ τοῦ θεοῦ νεκρός ἐστιν before a person bears the name of God’s Son (which is given the candidate at baptism), he is dead 9, 16, 3. Of dissemblers and false teachers ὄν. μὲν ἔχουσιν, ἀπὸ δὲ τῆς πίστεως κενοί εἰσιν they have the (Christian) name, but are devoid of faith 9, 19, 2. Of Christians in appearance only ἐν ὑποκρίσει φέροντες τὸ ὄν. τοῦ κυρίου who bear the Lord’s name in pretense Pol 6:3. δόλῳ πονηρῷ τὸ ὄν. περιφέρειν carry the name about in wicked deceit (evidently of wandering preachers) IEph 7:1. τὸ ὄν. ἐπαισχύνονται τοῦ κυρίου αὐτῶν they are ashamed of their Lord’s name Hs 9, 21, 3. More fully: ἐπαισχύνονται τὸ ὄν. αὐτοῦ φορεῖν 9, 14, 6.
    γ. used w. prepositions
    א. w. διά and the gen. διὰ τοῦ ὀνόματός μου πιστεύειν PtK 3 p. 15 ln. 12; σωθῆναι διὰ τοῦ μεγάλου καὶ ἐνδόξου ὀν. be saved through the great and glorious name Hv 4, 2, 4. εἰς τὴν βασιλείαν τοῦ θεοῦ εἰσελθεῖν διὰ τοῦ ὀν. τοῦ υἱοῦ (τοῦ θεοῦ) Hs 9, 12, 5. ἄφεσιν ἁμαρτιῶν λαβεῖν διὰ τοῦ ὀν. αὐτοῦ Ac 10:43 (cp. Just., D. 11, 4 al.). σημεῖα … γίνεσθαι διὰ τοῦ ὀν. … Ἰησοῦ by the power of the name 4:30. Differently παρακαλεῖν τινα διὰ τοῦ ὀν. τοῦ κυρίου appeal to someone by the name (= while calling on the name) of the Lord 1 Cor 1:10.—W. διά and the acc. μισούμενοι … διὰ τὸ ὄν. μου hated on account of my name (i.e., because you bear it) Mt 10:22; 24:9; Mk 13:13; Lk 21:17 (Just., A I, 4, 2 al.). ποιεῖν τι εἴς τινα διὰ τὸ ὄν. μου J 15:21. ἀφέωνται ὑμῖν αἱ ἁμαρτίαι διὰ τὸ ὄν. αὐτοῦ your sins are forgiven on account of (Jesus’) name 1J 2:12. βαστάζειν διὰ τὸ ὄν. μου bear (hardship) for my name’s sake Rv 2:3 (s. βαστάζω 2bβ). πάσχειν διὰ τὸ ὄν. (also w. a gen. like αὐτοῦ) Pol 8:2; Hv 3, 2, 1b; Hs 9, 28, 3.
    ב. w. εἰς: somet. evidently as rendering of rabb. לְשֵׁם with regard to, in thinking of δέχεσθαί τινα εἰς ὄν. Ἰ. Χρ. receive someone in deference to Jesus Christ IRo 9:3. δύο ἢ τρεῖς συνηγμένοι εἰς τὸ ἐμὸν ὄν. two or three gathered and thinking of me, i.e., so that I am the reason for their assembling Mt 18:20; but here the other mng. (s. ג below) has had some influence: ‘while naming’ or ‘calling on my name’. τῆς ἀγάπης ἧς ἐνεδείξασθε εἰς τὸ ὄν. αὐτοῦ (i.e. θεοῦ) Hb 6:10 is either the love that you have shown with regard to him, i.e. for his sake, or we have here the frequently attested formula of Hellenistic legal and commercial language (s. Mayser II/2 p. 415; Dssm. B 143ff, NB 25, LO 97f [BS 146f; 197; LAE 121]; Heitmüller, op. cit. 100ff; FPreisigke, Girowesen im griech. Ägypt. 1910, 149ff. On the LXX s. Heitmüller 110f; JPsichari, Essai sur le Grec de la Septante 1908, 202f): εἰς (τὸ) ὄν. τινος to the name=to the account (over which the name stands). Then the deeds of love, although shown to humans, are dedicated to God.—The concept of dedication is also highly significant, in all probability, for the understanding of the expr. βαπτίζειν εἰς (τὸ) ὄν. τινος. Through baptism εἰς (τὸ) ὄν. τ. those who are baptized become the possession of and come under the dedicated protection of the one whose name they bear. An additional factor, to a degree, may be the sense of εἰς τὸ ὄν.=‘with mention of the name’ (cp. Herodian 2, 2, 10; 2, 13, 2 ὀμνύναι εἰς τὸ ὄν. τινος; Cyranides p. 57, 1 εἰς ὄν. τινος; 60, 18=εἰς τὸ ὄν. τ.; 62, 13. Another ex. in Heitmüller 107): Mt 28:19; Ac 8:16; 19:5; D 7:1, (3); 9:5; Hv 3, 7, 3; cp. 1 Cor 1:13, 15. S. βαπτίζω 2c and Silva New, Beginn. I/5, ’33, 121–40.—πιστεύειν εἰς τὸ ὄν. τινος believe in the name of someone i.e. have confidence that the person’s name (rather in the sense of a title, cp. Phil 2:9) is rightfully borne and encodes what the person really is J 1:12; 2:23; 3:18; 1J 5:13.
    ג. with ἐν: ἐν ὀνόματι of God or Jesus means in the great majority of cases with mention of the name, while naming or calling on the name (PsSol 11:8; JosAs 9:1; Just., D. 35, 2 al.; no corresponding use has been found in gener. Gk. lit.; but cp. ἐν ὀν. τοῦ μεγάλου καὶ ὑψίστου θεοῦ Hippol., Ref. 9, 15, 6.—Heitmüller p. 13ff, esp. 44; 49). In many pass. it seems to be a formula. ἐν τῷ ὀν. Ἰησοῦ ἐκβάλλειν δαιμόνια Mk 9:38; 16:17; Lk 9:49. τὰ δαιμόνια ὑποτάσσεται ἡμῖν ἐν τῷ ὀν. σου the demons are subject to us at the mention of your name 10:17. ποιεῖν τι ἐν τῷ ὀνόματι Ac 4:7; cp. Col 3:17. Perh. J 10:25 (but s. below). ἐν τῷ ὀν. Ἰησοῦ … οὗτος παρέστηκεν ὑγιής Ac 4:10. ὄν. … ἐν ᾧ δεῖ σωθῆναι ἡμᾶς vs. 12. παραγγέλλω σοι ἐν ὀν. Ἰ. Χρ. 16:18; cp. 2 Th 3:6; IPol 5:1. σοὶ λέγω ἐν τῷ ὀν. τοῦ κυρίου Ac 14:10 D. Peter, in performing a healing, says ἐν τῷ ὀν. Ἰησοῦ Χρ. περιπάτει 3:6 (s. Heitmüller 60). The elders are to anoint the sick w. oil ἐν τῷ ὀν. τοῦ κυρίου while calling on the name of the Lord Js 5:14.—Of prophets λαλεῖν ἐν τῷ ὀν. κυρίου 5:10. παρρησιάζεσθαι ἐν τῷ ὀν. Ἰησοῦ speak out boldly in proclaiming the name of Jesus Ac 9:27f. βαπτίζεσθαι ἐν τῷ ὀν. Ἰ. Χ. be baptized or have oneself baptized while naming the name of Jesus Christ Ac 2:38 v.l.; 10:48. At a baptism ἐν ὀν. χριστοῦ Ἰησοῦ AcPl Ha 3, 32. αἰτεῖν τὸν πατέρα ἐν τῷ ὀν. μου (=Ἰησοῦ) ask the Father, using my name J 15:16; cp. 14:13, 14; 16:24, 26. W. the latter pass. belongs vs. 23 (ὁ πατὴρ) δώσει ὑμῖν ἐν τῷ ὀν. μου (the Father) will give you, when you mention my name. τὸ πνεῦμα ὸ̔ πέμψει ὁ πατὴρ ἐν τῷ ὀν. μου the Spirit, whom the Father will send when my name is used 14:26. To thank God ἐν ὀν. Ἰησοῦ Χρ. while naming the name of Jesus Christ Eph 5:20. ἵνα ἐν τῷ ὀν. Ἰησοῦ πᾶν γόνυ κάμψῃ that when the name of Jesus is mentioned every knee should bow Phil 2:10. χαίρετε, υἱοί, ἐν ὀν. κυρίου greetings, my sons, as we call on the Lord’s name 1:1. ὁ ἐρχόμενος ἐν ὀν. κυρίου whoever comes, naming the Lord’s name (in order thereby to give evidence of being a Christian) D 12:1. ἀσπάζεσθαι ἐν ὀν. Ἰ. Χρ. greet, while naming the name of J. Chr. w. acc. of pers. or thing greeted IRo ins; ISm 12:2. Receive a congregation ἐν ὀν. θεοῦ IEph 1:3. συναχθῆναι ἐν τῷ ὀν. τοῦ κυρίου Ἰ. meet and call on the name of the Lord Jesus=as a Christian congregation 1 Cor 5:4. μόνον ἐν τῷ ὀν. Ἰ. Χρ. only (it is to be) while calling on the name of J. Chr. ISm 4:2.—Not far removed fr. these are the places where we render ἐν τῷ ὀν. with through or by the name (s. ἐν 4c); the effect brought about by the name is caused by its utterance ἀπελούσασθε, ἡγιάσθητε, ἐδικαιώθητε ἐν τῷ ὀν. τοῦ κυρίου Ἰ. Χρ. 1 Cor 6:11. ζωὴν ἔχειν ἐν τῷ ὀν. αὐτοῦ (=Ἰησοῦ) J 20:31. τηρεῖν τινα ἐν τῷ ὀν. (θεοῦ) 17:11f.—ἐν τῷ ὀν. at the command (of), commissioned by ἔργα ποιεῖν ἐν τῷ ὀν. τοῦ πατρός J 10:25 (but s. above). ἔρχεσθαι ἐν τῷ ὀν. τοῦ πατρός 5:43a; in contrast ἔρχ. ἐν τῷ ὀν. τῷ ἰδίῳ vs. 43b. εὐλογημένος ὁ ἐρχόμενος ἐν ὀν. κυρίου 12:13 (Ps 117:26). The Ps-passage prob. has the same sense (despite Heitmüller 53f) in Mt 21:9; 23:39; Mk 11:9; Lk 13:35; 19:38.—OMerlier, Ὄνομα et ἐν ὀνόματι dans le quatr. Év.: RevÉtGr 47, ’34, 180–204; RBratcher, BT 14, ’63, 72–80.
    ד. w. ἕνεκα (and the other forms of this word; s. ἕνεκα 1): of persecutions for one’s Christian faith ἀπάγεσθαι ἐπὶ βασιλεῖς ἕνεκεν τοῦ ὀν. μου Lk 21:12. πάσχειν or ὑποφέρειν εἵνεκα τοῦ ὀνόματος Hv 3, 1, 9; 3, 2, 1; Hs 9, 28, 5. ἕνεκεν τοῦ ὀν. (τοῦ) κυρίου v 3, 5, 2; Hs 9, 28, 6. ἀφιέναι οἰκίας … ἕνεκεν τοῦ ἐμοῦ ὀν. for my name’s sake Mt 19:29. ἔκτισας τὰ πάντα ἕνεκεν τοῦ ὀν. σου you created all things for your name’s sake, i.e. that God’s name might be praised for the benefits which the works of creation bring to humankind D 10:3.
    ה. w. ἐπί and the dat.: ἐπὶ τῷ ὀν. τινος when someone’s name is mentioned or called upon, or mentioning someone’s name (LXX; En 10:2; Just., D. 39, 6; Ath. 23, 1; s. Heitmüller 19ff; 43ff; s. also 47ff; 52ff; 87ff) in the NT only of the name of Jesus, and only in the synoptics and Ac. ἐλεύσονται ἐπὶ τῷ ὀν. μου they will come using my name Mt 24:5; Mk 13:6; Lk 21:8. κηρύσσειν ἐπὶ τῷ ὀν. αὐτοῦ μετάνοιαν 24:47. λαλεῖν ἐπὶ τῷ ὀν. τούτῳ to speak using this name Ac 4:17; 5:40. διδάσκειν 4:18; 5:28. ποιεῖν δύναμιν ἐπὶ τῷ ὀν. μου Mk 9:39. ἐπὶ τῷ ὀν. σου ἐκβάλλειν δαιμόνια Lk 9:49 v.l. ἐπὶ τῷ σῷ ὀν. τὰς θεραπείας ἐπετέλουν GJs 20:2 (codd.). Of the (spiritual) temple of God: οἰκοδομηθήσεται ναὸς θεοῦ ἐνδόξως ἐπὶ τῷ ὀν. κυρίου the temple of God will be gloriously built with the use of the Lord’s name 16:6f, 8 (quot. of uncertain orig.). βαπτίζεσθαι ἐπὶ τῷ ὀν. Ἰ. Χρ. Ac 2:38. Baptism is also referred to in καλεῖσθαι ἐπὶ τῷ ὀν. τοῦ υἱοῦ τοῦ θεοῦ receive a name when the name of God’s son is named Hs 9, 17, 4. The words δέχεσθαι (παιδίον) ἐπὶ τῷ ὀν. μου can also be classed here receive (a child) when my name is confessed, when I am called upon Mt 18:5; Mk 9:37; Lk 9:48 (s. Heitmüller 64); but s. also 3 below.—ἐπί w. acc.: πεποιθέναι ἐπὶ τὸ ὁσιώτατον τῆς μεγαλωσύνης αὐτοῦ ὄν. have confidence in (the Lord’s) most sacred and majestic name 1 Cl 58:1b; ἐλπίζειν ἐπὶ τὸ ὄν. hope in the name (of the Lord) 16:8b.
    ו. w. περί and the gen.: εὐαγγελίζεσθαι περὶ τοῦ ὀν. Ἰ. Χ. bring the good news about the name of J. Chr. Ac 8:12.—(W. acc.: ἔχομεν δέος τὸ ὄ. τοῦ θεοῦ Orig., C. Cels. 4, 48, 34).
    ז. w. πρός and acc.: πρὸς τὸ ὄν. Ἰησοῦ … πολλὰ ἐναντία πρᾶξαι do many things in opposing the name of Jesus Ac 26:9.
    ח. w. ὑπέρ and gen.: ὑπὲρ τοῦ ὀν. (Ἰησοῦ) ἀτιμασθῆναι Ac 5:41. πάσχειν 9:16; Hs 9, 28, 2. Cp. Ac 15:26; 21:13. The activity of the apostles takes place ὑπὲρ τοῦ ὀν. αὐτοῦ to the honor of (Jesus’) name Ro 1:5. Cp. 3J 7. Of thankful praying at the Lord’s Supper εὐχαριστοῦμεν σοι … ὑπὲρ τοῦ ἁγίου ὀν. σου, οὗ κατεσκήνωσας ἐν ταῖς καρδίαις ἡμῶν we thank you … for your holy name, which you caused to dwell in our hearts D 10:2.
    δ. ὄν. w. ref. to God or Christ not infreq. stands quite alone, simply the Name: Ac 5:41; Phil 2:9 (cp. Diod S 3, 61, 6); 3J 7; 2 Cl 13:1, 4; IEph 3:1; 7:1; IPhld 10:1; Hv 3, 2, 1; Hs 8, 10, 3; 9, 13, 2; 9, 28, 3; 5.
    a person (Phalaris, Ep. 128; POxy 1188, 8 [13 A.D.]; BGU 113, 11; Jos., Ant. 14, 22; other exx. in Dssm., NB 24f [BS 196f]; LXX) τὸ ποθητόν μοι ὄν. my dear friend: Alce ISm 13:2; IPol 8:3; Crocus IRo 10:1. Pl. (PThéad 41, 10; PSI 27, 22; Num 1:18 al.) people Ac 1:15; Rv 3:4. ὀνόματα ἀνθρώπων 11:13 (cp. Ael. Aristid. 50, 72 K.=26 p. 523 D.: ὀνόματα δέκα ἀνδρῶν). This is prob. the place for περὶ λόγου καὶ ὀνομάτων καὶ νόμου about teaching and persons and (the) law Ac 18:15.
    the classification under which one belongs, noted by a name or category, title, category (cp. Cass. Dio 38, 44; 42, 24 καὶ ὅτι πολλῷ πλείω ἔν τε τῷ σχήματι καὶ ἐν τῷ ὀνόματι τῷ τῆς στρατηγίας ὢν καταπράξειν ἤλπιζε=he hoped to effect much more by taking advantage of his praetorial apparel and title; ins: Sb 7541, 5 [II A.D.] Νύμφη ὄνομʼ ἐστί σοι; POxy 37 I, 17 [49 A.D.] βούλεται ὀνόματι ἐλευθέρου τὸ σωμάτιον ἀπενέγκασθαι=she claims to have carried off the infant on the basis of its being free-born; Jos., Ant. 12, 154 φερνῆς ὀνόματι; 11, 40; Just., A II, 6, 4 καὶ ἀνθρώπου καὶ σωτῆρος ὄνομα. Other exx. in Heitmüller 50); the possibility of understanding ὄν. as category made it easier for Greeks to take over rabb. לְשֵׁם (s. 1dγב above) in the sense with regard to a particular characteristic, then simply with regard to, for the sake of ὁ δεχόμενος προφήτην εἰς ὄν. προφήτου whoever receives a prophet within the category ‘prophet’, i.e. because he is a prophet, as a prophet Mt 10:41a; cp. vss. 41b, 42.—ὸ̔ς ἂν ποτίσῃ ὑμᾶς ἐν ὀνόματι, ὄτι Χριστοῦ ἐστε whoever gives you a drink under the category that you belong to Christ, i.e. in your capacity as a follower of Christ Mk 9:41. εἰ ὀνειδίζεσθε ἐν ὀν. Χριστοῦ if you are reviled for the sake of Christ 1 Pt 4:14. δοξαζέτω τὸν θεὸν ἐν τῷ ὀν. τούτῳ let the person praise God in this capacity (=ὡς Χριστιανός) vs. 16. δέδεμαι ἐν τῷ ὀν. I am imprisoned for the sake of the Name IEph 3:1.—δέχεσθαι (παιδίον) ἐπὶ τῷ ὀν. μου for my (name’s) sake Mt 18:5; Mk 9:37; Lk 9:48 (cp. Heitmüller 113. But s. 1dγה above).
    recognition accorded a person on the basis of performance, (well-known) name, reputation, fame (Hom. et al.; 1 Ch 14:17; 1 Macc 8:12) φανερὸν ἐγένετο τὸ ὄν. αὐτοῦ his fame was widespread Mk 6:14. ὄν. ἔχειν (Pla., Apol. 38c, Ep. 2, 312c) w. ὅτι foll. have the reputation of Rv 3:1 perh. also 3:5 (s. 1bα; JFuller, JETS 26, ’83, 297–306).
    name in terms of office held, office (POxy 58, 6) στασιαζουσῶν τ. φυλῶν, ὁποία αὐτῶν εἴη τῷ ἐνδόξῳ ὀνόματι κεκοσμημένη when the tribes were quarreling as to which one of them was to be adorned with that glorious office 1 Cl 43:2. τὸ ὄν. τῆς ἐπισκοπῆς the office of supervision 44:1.—B. 1263f. OEANE IV 91–96 on Mesopotamian practices. Schmidt, Syn. I 113–24. DELG. M-M. EDNT. TW. Sv.

    Ελληνικά-Αγγλικά παλαιοχριστιανική Λογοτεχνία > ὄνομα

  • 7 ἐπί

    ἐπί prep. w. gen., dat., or acc.; s. the lit. on ἀνά, beg. (Hom.+). The basic idea is ‘upon’ (opp. ὑπό) Kühner-G. I 495; s. also Rob 600–605. (In the foll. classifications case use is presented seriatim; in earlier editions of this lexicon all sections, except 13, 17, and 18 [of time], were included under the general rubric ‘Place’.)
    marker of location or surface, answering the question ‘where?’ on, upon, near
    w. gen., marking a position on a surface ἐ. (τῆς) γῆς on (the) earth (cp. En 9:1; 98:1; ἐ. γῆς 25:6; PsSol 17:2) Mt 6:10, 19; 9:6; 23:9; Mk 6:47 al. (Ar. 12, 1; Just., A I, 54, 7 al.). ἐ. τῆς θαλάσσης on the sea (cp. Job 9:8; Dio Chrys. 10 [11], 129 βαδίζειν ἐ. τῆς θαλ.; Lucian, Philops. 13 βαδίζειν ἐφʼ ὕδατος, VH 2, 4; Artem. 3, 16 ἐ. τ. θαλάσσης περιπατεῖν; schol. on Nicander, Ther. 15 p. 5, 26ff relying on the testimony of Hesiod: Orion was given a gift [δωρεά] by the gods καὶ ἐ. κυμάτων πορεύεσθαι καὶ ἐ. τῆς γῆς) Mt 14:26; Mk 6:48f; J 6:19 (w. acc. P75; s. 4bβ below). ἐ. τῶν νεφελῶν on the clouds Mt 24:30; 26:64 (Da 7:13; cp. Philo, Praem. 8). ἐ. κλίνης 9:2; Lk 17:34. ἐ. τοῦ δώματος on the roof vs. 31; Mt 24:17; 10:27 foll. by pl. W. verbs: κάθημαι ἐ. τινος sit on someth. (Job 2:8; ἐ. τοῦ ἅρματος GrBar 6:2; cp. JosAs 27:1 ἐ. τοῦ ὀχήματος καθεζόμενος; Just., D. 90, 5 ἐ. λίθου καθεζόμενος) Mt 24:3; 27:19; Ac 8:28; Rv 6:16; 9:17 (the same prep. used in Rv w. κάθημαι and dat. s. bα below, and w. acc. cα). ἑστηκέναι ἐ. τινος stand on someth. Ac 21:40; Rv 10:5, 8 (Just., D. 86, 2 ἐστηρίχθαι). With parts of the body: ἐ. χειρῶν αἴρειν carry on (i.e. in/with) their hands Mt 4:6; Lk 4:11 (both Ps 90:12). ἐ. κεφαλῆς on the head (Hdt. 5, 12, 4) J 20:7; 1 Cor 11:10; Rv 12:1. ἐ. τοῦ μετώπου Rv 7:3; 9:4. ἐ. γυμνοῦ on the naked body Mk 14:51. Cp. use of ἐπί w. καθίζω and gen., and ἐπί w. κάθημαι and acc. Mt 19:28.—In a gener. and fig. sense Ac 21:23.
    w. dat., gener. suggesting contiguity on, in, above.
    α. answering the question ‘where?’ (Hom. et al.; ins, pap, LXX; Just., D. 105, 5 ἐ. τῷ σταυρῷ; Tat., 9:1 ἐ. τοῖς ὄρεσι; Ath. 20, 1 ἐ. τῷ μετώπῳ; Mel., P. 19, 131 ἐ. σάκκῳ καὶ σποδῷ) ἐ. πίνακι on a platter Mt 14:8, 11; Mk 6:25, 28. ἀνακλῖναι ἐ. τῷ χλωρῷ χόρτῳ on the green grass 6:39. ἐ. τοῖς κραβάττοις vs. 55. ἐπέκειτο ἐπʼ αὐτῷ lay on it (or before it) J 11:38. καθήμενος ἐ. τῷ θρόνῳ Rv 4:9 (cp. gen. w. καθ. 1a above, and acc. cα below) 5:13; 7:10 and oft. ἐφʼ ἵπποις λευκοῖς on white horses 19:14. ἐ. σανίσιν on planks Ac 27:44. ἐ. τῇ στοᾷ in the colonnade 3:11. τὰ ἐ. τοῖς οὐρανοῖς what is above (or in) the heavens Eph 1:10. ἐπʼ αὐτῷ above him, at his head Lk 23:38 (=Mt 27:37 ἐπάνω τ. κεφαλῆς αὐτοῦ).
    β. answering the question ‘whither?’ on, upon (Hom. et al.) w. verbs that indicate a direction: οἰκοδομεῖν ἐ. τινι build upon someth. Mt 16:18. ἐποικοδομεῖν Eph 2:20. ἐπιβάλλειν ἐπίβλημα ἐ. ἱματίῳ παλαιῷ put a patch on an old garment Mt 9:16. ἐπιπίπτειν ἐ. τινι Ac 8:16. ἐκάθισεν ἐ. τῷ θρόνῳ he sat down on the throne GJs 11:1. λίθον ἐπʼ αὐτῇ βαλέτω J 8:7 v.l. (cp. 12a below).
    w. acc., answering the question ‘where?’ (Hom. et al.; LXX; JosAs 29:2 φορῶν ἐ. τὸν μηρὸν αὐτοῦ ῥομφαίαν; Just., D. 53, 1 ζυγὸν ἐ. αὐχένα μὴ ἔχων)
    α. on, over someth. καθεύδειν ἐ. τι sleep on someth. Mk 4:38. καθῆσθαι ἐ. τι sit on someth. Mt 19:28 (in the same vs. καθίζω w. gen., s. a above) J 12:15; Rv 4:4; 6:2; 11:16 al.; cp. Lk 21:35b; κεῖσθαι ἐ. τι lie upon someth. 2 Cor 3:15. κατακεῖσθαι Lk 5:25. ἑστηκέναι ἐ. τὸν αἰγιαλόν stand on the shore Mt 13:2; cp. Rv 14:1. ἑστῶτας ἐ. τὴν θάλασσαν standing beside the sea 15:2. ἔστη ἐ. τὴν κεφαλὴν τοῦ παιδίου (the star) remained stationary over the head of the child GJs 21:3. σκηνοῦν ἐ. τινα spread a tent over someone Rv 7:15. ἐ. τὴν δεξιάν at the right hand 5:1. λίθος ἐ. λίθον stone upon stone Mt 24:2.
    β. ἐ. τὸ αὐτό at the same place, together (Ps.-X., Respublica Athen. [The Old Oligarch] 2, 2; Pla., Rep. 329a; SIG 736, 66 [92 B.C.]. In pap=‘in all’: PTebt 14, 20 [114 B.C.]; PFay 102, 6.—2 Km 2:13; En 100:2) εἶναι ἐ. τὸ αὐτό be together Lk 17:35; Ac 1:15; 2:1, 44. In 1 Cor 7:5 it is a euphemistic expr. for sexual union. κατοικεῖν ἐ. τὸ αὐτό live in the same place (Dt 25:5) Hm 5, 1, 4. Also w. verbs of motion (Sus 14 Theod.) συνέρχεσθαι ἐ. τὸ αὐτό come together to the same place 1 Cor 11:20; 14:23; cp. B 4:10 (Just., A I, 67, 3 συνέλευσις γίνεται). συνάγεσθαι (Phlegon of Tralles [Hadr.]: 257 Fgm. 36 III 9 Jac.; PsSol 2:2; TestJob 28:5 Jos., Bell. 2, 346) Mt 22:34; Ac 4:26 (Ps 2:2); 1 Cl 34:7. ἐ. τὸ αὐτὸ μίγνυσθαι be mixed together Hm 10, 3, 3. προσετίθει ἐ. τὸ αὐτό added to their number Ac 2:47.
    γ. at, by, near someone or someth. καθῆσθαι ἐ. τὸ τελώνιον sit at the tax-office Mt 9:9 (ἐ. τὰς ὡραίας πύλας GrBar prol. 2); Mk 2:14. ἑστηκέναι ἐ. τὴν θύραν stand at the door Rv 3:20. σὺ ἔστης ἐ. τὸ θυσιαστήριον you are standing (ἕστηκας deStrycker) as priest at the altar GJs 8:2. ἐφʼ ὑμᾶς among you 2 Th 1:10; cp. Ac 1:21.—Of pers., over whom someth. is done ὀνομάζειν τὸ ὄνομα Ἰησοῦ ἐ. τινα speak the name of Jesus over someone Ac 19:13. ἐπικαλεῖν τὸ ὄνομά τινος ἐ. τινα=to claim someone for one’s own (Jer 14:9; 2 Ch 7:14; 2 Macc 8:15) Ac 15:17 (Am 9:12); Js 2:7; Hs 8, 6, 4. προσεύχεσθαι ἐ. τινα pray over someone Js 5:14.
    marker of presence or occurrence near an object or area, at, near
    w. gen., of immediate proximity to things at, near (Hdt. 7, 115; X., An. 4, 3, 28 al.; LXX, Just.) ἐ. τ. θυρῶν at the gates (Plut., C. Gracch. 841 [14, 3]; PRyl 127, 8f [29 A.D.] κοιμωμένου μου ἐ. τῆς θύρας; 1 Macc 1:55; Just., D. 111, 4) Ac 5:23 (s. b below for dat. in 5:9). ἐ. τῆς θαλάσσης near the sea (Polyb. 1, 44, 4; Ex 14:2; Dt 1:40; 1 Macc 14:34) J 21:1. ἐ. τῆς ὁδοῦ by the road Mt 21:19. ἐσθίειν ἐ. τῆς πραπέζης τινός eat at someone’s table Lk 22:30 (cp. POxy 99, 14 [55 A.D.] τράπεζα, ἐφʼ ἧς Σαραπίων καὶ μέτοχοι; Da 11:27 LXX ἐ. μιᾶς τραπέζης). ἐ. τοῦ (τῆς) βάτου at the thornbush = in the passage about the thornbush (i.e. Ex 3:1ff) Mk 12:26; Lk 20:37.
    with dat., of immediate proximity at, near by (Hom.+) ἦν ἔτι ἐ. τῷ τόπῳ ὅπου was still at the place, where J 11:30 v.l. (for ἐν; cp. Just., D. 402). ἐ. τῇ θύρᾳ (ἐ. θύραις) at the door (Hom. et al.; Wsd 19:17; Jos., Ant. 17, 90; Just., D. 32, 3) Mt 24:33; Mk 13:29; Ac 5:9 (s. a above). ἐ. τοῖς πυλῶσιν Rv 21:12. ἐ. τῇ πηγῇ J 4:6 (Jos., Ant. 5, 58 ἐ. τινι πηγῇ; Just., A I, 64, 1 ἐ. ταῖς … πηγαῖς). ἐ. τῇ προβατικῇ (sc. πύλῃ) near the sheepgate 5:2; cp. Ac 3:10. ἐ. τῷ ποταμῷ near the river (since Il. 7, 133; Jos., Ant. 4, 176 ἐ. τ. Ἰορδάνῳ) Rv 9:14.—Of pers. (Diod S 14, 113, 6; Just., A I, 40, 7) ἐφʼ ὑμῖν among you 2 Cor 7:7; cp. Ac 28:14 v.l.
    marker of involvement in an official proceeding, before, w. gen., of pers., esp. in the language of lawsuits (Pla., Leg. 12, 943d; Isaeus 5, 1 al.; UPZ 71, 15; 16 [152 B.C.]; POxy 38, 11; Mitt-Wilck. I/2, 382, 23=BGU 909, 23; Jos., Vi. 258; Just., A II, 1, 1 ἐ. Οὐρβίκου). ἐ. τοῦ ἡγεμόνος in the governor’s presence Mt 28:14. ἐ. ἡγεμόνων καὶ βασιλέων Mk 13:9. ἐ. σου before you (the procurator) Ac 23:30. ἐ. Τερτούλλου Phlm subscr. v.l.; στάντος μου ἐ. τοῦ συνεδρίου Ac 24:20 (cp. Diod S 11, 55, 4 ἐ. τοῦ κοινοῦ συνεδρίου τ. Ἑλλήνων). γυναικὸς … διαβληθείσης ἐ. τοῦ κυρίου Papias (2:17). κρίνεσθαι ἐ. τῶν ἀδίκων go to law before the unrighteous 1 Cor 6:1. κριθήσεται ἐφʼ ὑμῶν before your tribunal D 11:11. μαρτυρεῖν ἐ. Ποντίου Πιλάτου testify before Pontius Pilate 1 Ti 6:13 (s. μαρτυρέω 1c). ἐ. τοῦ βήματος (POxy 37 I, 3 [49 A.D.]) ἑστὼς ἐ. τοῦ βήματος Καίσαρός εἰμι I am standing before Caesar’s tribunal Ac 25:10 (Appian says Prooem. c. 15 §62 of himself: δίκαις ἐν Ῥώμῃ συναγορεύσας ἐ. τῶν βασιλέων=I acted as attorney in lawsuits in Rome before the emperors).—Gener. in someone’s presence (Appian, Syr. 61 §324 ἐφʼ ὑμῶν=in your presence) ἐ. Τίτου before Titus 2 Cor 7:14. Cp.10 below.
    marker of movement to or contact w. a goal, toward, in direction of, on
    w. gen., marking contact with the goal that is reached, answering the question ‘whither?’ toward, on, at w. verbs of motion (Appian, Iber. 98 §427 ἀπέπλευσεν ἐπʼ οἴκου=he sailed [toward] home; PGM 4, 2468f ἀναβὰς ἐ. δώματος; JosAs 27:1 ἀνέδραμε … ἐ. πέτρας; Jos., Ant. 4, 91 ἔφευγον ἐ. τ. πόλεων; Tat. 33:3 Εὐρώπην ἐ. τοῦ ταύρου καθιδρύσαντος) βάλλειν τὸν σπόρον ἐ. τῆς γῆς Mk 4:26; also σπείρειν vs. 31. πίπτειν (Wsd 18:23; TestAbr A 3 p. 80, 11 [Stone p. 8]; JosAs 9:1) 9:20; 14:35. καθιέναι Ac 10:11. τιθέναι (Sir 17:4) Lk 8:16; J 19:19; Ac 5:15. ἔρχεσθαι Hb 6:7; Rv 3:10; γίνεσθαι ἐ. reach, be at J 6:21. γενόμενος ἐ. τοῦ τόπου when he reached the place Lk 22:40. καθίζειν take one’s seat ἐ. θρόνου (JosAs 7:1 al.) Mt 19:28 (s. 1a end); 23:2; 25:31; J 19:13 (ἐ. βήματος of Pilate as Jos., Bell. 2, 172; of Jesus Just., A I, 35, 6). κρεμαννύναι ἐ. ξύλου hang on a tree (i.e. cross) (Gen 40:19; cp. Just., D. 86, 6 σταυρωθῆναι ἐ. τοῦ ξύλου) Ac 5:30; 10:39; cp. Gal 3:13 (Dt 21:23).
    w. acc.
    α. specifying direction (En 24:2 ἐ. νότον ‘southward’ of position of the mountain) of motion that takes a particular direction, to, toward ἐκτείνας τ. χεῖρα ἐ. τοὺς μαθητάς Mt 12:49; cp. Lk 22:53 (JosAs 12:8). πορεύεσθαι ἐ. τὸ ἀπολωλός go after the one that is lost 15:4. ἐ. τὴν ῏Ασσον in the direction of Assos Ac 20:13. ἐπιστρέφειν ἐ. τι turn to someth. 2 Pt 2:22 (cp. Pr 26:11; En 99:5). ὡς ἐ. λῃστήν as if against a robber Mt 26:55; Mk 14:48; Lk 22:52.
    β. from one point to another across, over w. motion implied (Hom.+; LXX) περιπατεῖν, ἐλθεῖν ἐ. τ. θάλασσαν or ἐ. τ. ὕδατα Mt 14:25, 28f; J 6:19 P75. Of spreading across the land (PsSol 17:10): famine Ac 7:11; 11:28; darkness Mt 27:45; Lk 23:44. ἐ. σταδίους δώδεκα χιλιάδων across twelve thousand stades Rv 21:16 v.l. (Polyaenus 5, 44, 4 ἐ. στάδια δέκα); ἐ. πλεῖον further (1 Esdr 2:24; 2 Macc 10:27) Ac 4:17.
    γ. of goal attained (Hom. et al.; LXX) on, upon someone or someth. πέσατε ἐφʼ ἡμᾶς Lk 23:30 (Hos 10:8). ἔπεσεν ἐ. τὰ πετρώδη Mt 13:5; cp. Lk 13:4. ἔρχεσθαι ἐ. τινα come upon someone Mt 3:16; also καταβαίνειν fr. above J 1:33; cp. Rv 16:21. ἀναβαίνειν (Jos., Ant. 13, 138; Just., A II, 12, 7) Lk 5:19. ἐπιβαίνειν Mt 21:5 (Zech 9:9).—Ac 2:3; 9:4 al.; διασωθῆναι ἐ. τ. γῆν be brought safely to the land 27:44; cp. vs. 43; Lk 8:27. ἐ. τὸ πλοῖον to the ship Ac 20:13. ἀναπεσεῖν ἐ. τὴν γῆν lie down or sit down on the ground Mt 15:35. ἔρριψεν αὐτὸν χαμαὶ ἐ. τὸν σάκκον he threw himself down on the sackcloth GJs 13:1. τιθέναι τι ἐ. τι put someth. on someth. (JosAs 16:11) Mt 5:15; Lk 11:33; Mk 8:25 v.l.; likew. ἐπιτιθέναι (JosAs 29:5) Mt 23:4; Mk 8:25; Lk 15:5; J 9:6, 15; Ac 15:10. ἐπιβάλλειν τ. χεῖρας ἐ. τινα (Gen 22:12 al.) Mt 26:50; Lk 21:12; Ac 5:18. Mainly after verbs of placing, laying, putting, bringing, etc. on, to: ἀναβιβάζω, ἀναφέρω, βάλλω, γράφω, δίδωμι, ἐγγίζω, ἐπιβιβάζω, ἐπιγράφω, ἐποικοδομέω, ἐπιρ(ρ)ίπτω, θεμελιόω, ἵστημι, κατάγω, οἰκοδομέω, σωρεύω; s. these entries. Sim. βρέχειν ἐ. τινα cause rain to fall upon someone Mt 5:45 (cp. PsSol 17:18); also τ. ἥλιον ἀνατέλλειν ἐ. τινα cause the sun to rise so that its rays fall upon someone *ibid. τύπτειν τινὰ ἐ. τὴν σιαγόνα strike on the cheek Lk 6:29. πίπτειν ἐ. (τὸ) πρόσωπον (Jdth 14:6) on the face Mt 17:6; 26:39; Lk 5:12; 17:16; 1 Cor 14:25; Rv 7:11.To, upon w. acc. of thing πορεύεσθαι ἐ. τὴν ὁδόν go to the road Ac 8:26; cp. 9:11. ἐ. τὰς διεξόδους Mt 22:9. ἵνα μὴ πνέῃ ἄνεμος ἐ. πᾶν δένδρον so that no wind should blow upon any tree Rv 7:1.
    δ. of closeness to someth. or someone to, up to, in the neighborhood of, on ἐ. τὸ μνημεῖον up to the tomb Mk 16:2; Lk 24:1 v.l., 22, 24; cp. ἐ. τὸ μνῆμα Mk 16:2 v.l.; Lk 24:1. ἔρχεσθαι ἐ. τι ὕδωρ come to some water Ac 8:36. ἐ. τὴν πύλην τὴν σιδηρᾶν to the iron gate 12:10. καταβαίνειν ἐ. τὴν θάλασσαν go down to the sea J 6:16. ἐ. τὸν Ἰορδάνην Mt 3:13 (Just., D. 88, 3 al.). ἀναπίπτειν ἐ. τὸ στῆθος he leaned back on (Jesus’) breast J 13:25; 21:20. πίπτειν ἐ. τοὺς πόδας fall at (someone’s) feet Ac 10:25 (JosAs 14:10 ἔπεσεν ἐ πρόσωπον ἐ. τοὺς πόδας αὐτοῦ). ἐ. τ. ἀκάνθας among the thorns Mt 13:7.—W. acc. of pers. to someone ἐ. τὸν Ἰησοῦν ἐλθόντες they came to Jesus J 19:33; cp. Mt 27:27; Mk 5:21.
    ε. in imagery of goal or objective to, toward (Just., A II, 7, 6 ἐπʼ ἀμφότερα τρέπεσθαι) ἐπιστρέφειν, ἐπιστρέφεσθαι ἐ. τινα turn to (Dt 30:10; 31:20 al.; Ar. 2, 1 ἔλθωμεν καὶ ἐ. τὸ ἀνθρώπινον γένος ‘let us now turn to …’; Just., D. 56, 11 ἐ. τὰς γραφὰς ἐπανελθών) Lk 1:17; Ac 9:35; 11:21; 14:15; 26:20; Gal 4:9; 1 Pt 2:25.
    marker of manner, corresponding to an adv., w. dat. (Aeschyl., Suppl. 628 ἐπʼ ἀληθείᾳ; UPZ 162 VI, 3 [117 B.C.] κακοτρόπως καὶ ἐ. ῥαδιουργίᾳ; POxy 237 VI, 21 ἐ. τῇ τῶν ἀνθρ. σωτηρίᾳ; ἐφʼ ὁράσει En 14:8; Just., A I, 9, 3 ἐφʼ ὕβρει; 55, 7 ἐ. τούτῳ τῷ σχήματι ‘in this form’; Tat. 17, 1 ἐπʼ ἀκριβείᾳ; Ath. 33, 2 ἐφʼ ἑνὶ γάμῳ) ὁ σπείρων ἐπʼ εὐλογίαις (in contrast to ὁ σπείρων φειδομένως one who sows sparingly) one who sows in blessing (i.e. generously) 2 Cor 9:6. ἐπʼ εὐλογίαις θερίζειν reap generously ibid.
    marker of basis for a state of being, action, or result, on, w. dat. (Hom. et al.)
    ἐπʼ ἄρτῳ ζῆν live on bread Mt 4:4; Lk 4:4 (both Dt 8:3. cp. Ps.-Pla., Alcib. 1, 105c; Plut., Mor. 526d; Alciphron 3, 7, 5; SibOr 4, 154). ἐ. τῷ ῥήματί σου depending on your word Lk 5:5. οὐ συνῆκαν ἐ. τοῖς ἄρτοις they did not arrive at an understanding (of it) (by reflecting) on (the miracle of) the loaves Mk 6:52 (cp. Demosth. 18, 121 τί σαυτὸν οὐκ ἐλλεβορίζεις ἐ. τούτοις [sc. λόγοις];=why do you not come to an understanding concerning these words?). ἐ. τῇ πίστει on the basis of faith Ac 3:16; Phil 3:9. ἐπʼ ἐλπίδι on the basis of hope, supporting itself on hope Ac 2:26 (? s. ἐλπίς 1bα); Ro 4:18; 8:20; 1 Cor 9:10; Tit 1:2.—Ac 26:6 ἐπʼ ἐλπίδι gives the basis of the trial at law, as does ἐ. εὐεργεσίᾳ 4:9. ἀπολύειν τ. γυναῖκα ἐ. πορνείᾳ Mt 19:9 (cp. Dio Chrys. 26 [43], 10 ἀπολύειν ἐπʼ ἀργυρίῳ; Ath. 2, 3 κρίνεσθαι … μὴ ἐ. τῷ ὀνόματι, ἐ. δὲ τῷ ἀδικήματι). γυναικὸς ἐ. πόλλαις ἁμαρτίαις διαβληθείσης Papias (2:17). On the basis of the testimony of two witnesses (cp. Appian, Iber. 79 §343 ἤλεγχον ἐ. μάρτυσι) Hb 10:28 (Dt 17:6); sim. use of ἐ. τινί on the basis of someth.: 8:6; 9:10, 15 (here it may also be taken in the temporal sense; s. 18 below), 17. ἁμαρτάνειν ἐ. τῷ ὁμοιώματι τ. παραβάσεως Ἀδάμ Ro 5:14 (ὁμοίωμα 1). δαπανᾶν ἐ. τινι pay the expenses for someone Ac 21:24. ἀρκεῖσθαι ἐ. τινι be content w. someth. 3J 10.
    w. verbs of believing, hoping, trusting: πεποιθέναι (Wsd 3:9; Sus 35; 1 Macc 10:71; 2 Macc 7:40 and oft.) Lk 11:22; 18:9; 2 Cor 1:9; Hb 2:13 (2 Km 22:3). πιστεύειν Lk 24:25; Ro 9:33; 10:11; 1 Pt 2:6 (the last three Is 28:16). ἐλπίζειν (2 Macc 2:18; Sir 34:7) Ro 15:12 (Is 11:10); 1 Ti 4:10; 6:17; cp. 1J 3:3. παρρησιάζεσθαι Ac 14:3.
    after verbs which express feelings, opinions, etc.: at, because of, from, with (Hom. et al.) διαταράσσεσθαι Lk 1:29. ἐκθαυμάζειν Mk 12:17. ἐκπλήσσεσθαι Mt 7:28; Mk 1:22; Lk 4:32; Ac 13:12. ἐξίστασθαι (Jdth 11:16; Wsd 5:2 al.) Lk 2:47. ἐπαισχύνεσθαι (Is 1:29) Ro 6:21. εὐφραίνεσθαι (Sir 16:1; 18:32; 1 Macc 11:44) Rv 18:20. θαμβεῖσθαι Mk 10:24; cp. Lk 5:9; Ac 3:10. θαυμάζειν (Lev 26:32; Jdth 10:7 al.; Jos., Ant. 10, 277) Mk 12:17 v.l. μακροθυμεῖν (Sir 18:11; 29:8; 35:19) Mt 18:26, 29; Lk 18:7; Js 5:7. μετανοεῖν (Plut., Ag. 803 [19, 5]; Ps.-Lucian, Salt. 84; Prayer of Manasseh [=Odes 12] 7; Just., A I, 61, 10; D. 95, 3 al.) 2 Cor 12:21. ὀδυνᾶσθαι (cp. Tob 6:15) Ac 20:38. ὀργίζεσθαι Rv 12:17. σπλαγχνίζεσθαι Mt 14:14; Lk 7:13. συλλυπεῖσθαι Mk 3:5. στυγνάζειν 10:22. χαίρειν (PEleph 13, 3; Jos., Ant. 1, 294; Tob 13:15; Bar 4:33; JosAs 4:2; Ar. 15, 7) Mt 18:13; Lk 1:14; 13:17; Ro 16:19 al. χαρὰν καὶ παράκλησιν ἔχειν Phlm 7. χαρὰ ἔσται Lk 15:7; cp. vs. 10 (Jos., Ant. 6, 116 ἡ ἐ. τῇ νίκῃ χαρά). Also w. verbs that denote aroused feelings παραζηλοῦν and παροργίζειν make jealous and angry at Ro 10:19 (Dt 32:21). παρακαλεῖν 1 Th 3:7a (cp. Just., D. 78:8 παράκλησιν ἐχουσῶν ἐ.), as well as those verbs that denote an expression of the emotions ἀγαλλιᾶσθαι (cp. Tob 13:15; Ps 69:5) Lk 1:47; Hs 8, 1, 18; 9, 24, 2. καυχᾶσθαι (Diod S 16, 70; Sir 30:2) Ro 5:2. κοπετὸν ποιεῖν (cp. 3 Macc 4:3) Ac 8:2. ὀλολύζειν Js 5:1. αἰνεῖν (cp. X., An. 3, 1, 45 al.) Lk 2:20. δοξάζειν (Polyb. 6, 53, 10; cp. Diod S 17, 21, 4 δόξα ἐ. ἀνδρείᾳ=fame because of bravery) Ac 4:21; 2 Cor 9:13. εὐχαριστεῖν give thanks for someth. (s. εὐχαριστέω 2; UPZ 59, 10 [168 B.C.] ἐ. τῷ ἐρρῶσθαί σε τ. θεοῖς εὐχαρίστουν) 1 Cor 1:4; cp. 2 Cor 9:15; 1 Th 3:9.—ἐφʼ ᾧ = ἐπὶ τούτῳ ὅτι for this reason that, because (Diod S 19, 98; Appian, Bell. Civ. 1, 112 §520; Ael. Aristid. 53 p. 640 D.; Synes., Ep. 73 p. 221c; Damasc., Vi. Isid. 154; Syntipas p. 12, 9; 127, 8; Thomas Mag. ἐφʼ ᾧ ἀντὶ τοῦ διότι; cp. W-S. §24, 5b and 12f. S. WKümmel, D. Bild des Menschen im NT ’48, 36–40) Ro 5:12 (SLyonnet, Biblica 36, ’55, 436–56 [denies a causal sense here]. On the probability of commercial idiom s. FDanker, FGingrich Festschr. ’72, 104f, also Ro 5:12, Sin under Law: NTS 14, ’68, 424–39; against him SPorter, TynBull 41, ’90, 3–30, also NTS 39, ’93, 321–33; difft. JFitzmyer, Anchor Bible Comm.: Romans, ad loc. ‘w. the result that all have sinned’); 2 Cor 5:4; Phil 3:12; for, indeed 4:10.
    marker of addition to what is already in existence, to, in addition to. W. dat. (Hom. et al.; PEleph 5, 17 [284/283 B.C.] μηνὸς Τῦβι τρίτῃ ἐπʼ εἰκάδι; Tob 2:14; Sir 3:27; 5:5) προσέθηκεν τοῦτο ἐ. πᾶσιν he added this to everything else Lk 3:20 (cp. Lucian, Luct. [On Funerals], 24). ἐ. τ. παρακλήσει ἡμῶν in addition to our comfort 2 Cor 7:13. λύπη ἐ. λύπῃ grief upon grief Phil 2:27 v.l. (cp. Soph., Oed. C. 544, also Polyb. 1, 57, 1 πληγὴ ἐ. πληγῇ; Plut., Mor. 123f; Polyaenus 5, 52 ἐ. φόνῳ φόνον; Quint. Smyrn. 5, 602 ἐ. πένθει πένθος=sorrow upon sorrow; Sir 26:15). ἐ. τῇ σῇ εὐχαριστίᾳ to your prayer of thanks 1 Cor 14:16. So perh. also Hb 8:1. ἐ. πᾶσι τούτοις to all these Col 3:14; Lk 16:26 v.l. (X., Mem. 1, 2, 25 al.; Sir 37:15; cp. 1 Macc 10:42; Just., D. 133, 1 ἐ. τούτοις πᾶσι).—W. acc.: addition to someth. of the same kind Mt 6:27; Lk 12:25; Rv 22:18a. λύπην ἐ. λύπην sorrow upon sorrow Phil 2:27 (cp. Is 28:10, 13; Ezk 7:26; Ps 68:28).
    marker of perspective, in consideration of, in regard to, on the basis of, concerning, about, w. gen. (Antig. Car. 164 ἐ. τῶν οἴνων ἀλλοιοῦσθαι; 4 Macc. 2:9 ἐ. τῶν ἑτέρων … ἔστιν ἐπιγνῶναι τοῦτο, ὅτι …; Ath. 29, 2 τὰ ἐ. τῆς μανίας πάθη) ἐ. δύο ἢ τριῶν μαρτύρων on the evidence of two or three witnesses 1 Ti 5:19 (cp. TestAbr A 13 p. 92, 22ff. [Stone p. 32]). Sim. in the expr. ἐ. στόματος δύο μαρτύρων (Dt 19:15) Mt 18:16; 2 Cor 13:1. ἐπʼ αὐτῆς on the basis of it Hb 7:11. ἐπʼ ἀληθείας based on truth = in accordance w. truth, truly (Demosth. 18, 17 ἐπʼ ἀληθείας οὐδεμιᾶς εἰρημένα; POxy 255, 16 [48 A.D.]; Da 2:8; Tob 8:7; En 104:11) Mk 12:14, 32; Lk 4:25; 20:21; Ac 4:27. ἐφʼ ἑαυτοῦ based on himself = to or by himself (X., An. 2, 4, 10; Demosth. 18, 224 ἐκρίνετο ἐφʼ ἑαυτοῦ; Dionys. Hal., Comp. Verb. 16 ἐ. σεαυτοῦ. Cp. Kühner-G. I 498e) 2 Cor 10:7.—To introduce the object which is to be discussed or acted upon λέγειν ἐ. τινος speak of, about someth. (Pla., Charm., 155d, Leg. 2, 662d; Isocr. 6, 41; Aelian, VH 1, 30; Jer 35:8; EpArist 162; 170; Ath. 5:1 ἐ. τοῦ νοητοῦ … δογματίζειν) Gal 3:16. Do someth. on, in the case of (cp. 1 Esdr 1:22) σημεῖα ποιεῖν ἐ. τῶν ἀσθενούντων work miracles on the sick J 6:2.—On B 13:6 s. τίθημι 1bζ.—In ref. to someth. (Aristot., Pol. 1280a, 17; 4 Macc 12:5 τῶν ἐ. τῆς βασιλείας … πραγμάτων; Just., A I, 5, 1 ἐφʼ ἡμῶν ‘in our case’, D. 131, 4; Ath. 15, 3 ἐ. τῆς ὕλης καὶ τοῦ θεοῦ ‘as respects God and matter, so …’) ἐ. τινων δεῖ ἐγκρατεύεσθαι in certain matters one must practice self-control Hm 8:1. οὔτε … οἴδασι τὸν ἐ. τοῦ πυροῦ σπόρον nor do they comprehend (the figurative sense of) the sowing of wheat AcPlCor 2:26 (cp. 1 Cor 15:36f).
    marker of power, authority, control of or over someone or someth., over
    w. gen. (Hdt. 5, 109 al.; Mitt-Wilck. I/1, 124, 1=BGU 1120, 1 [5 B.C.] πρωτάρχῳ ἐ. τοῦ κριτηρίου; 287, 1; LXX; AscIs 2:5 τοῦ ἐ. τῶν πραγματε[ι] ῶν=Denis p. 109) βασιλεύειν ἐ. τινος (Judg 9:8, 10; 1 Km 8:7) Rv 5:10. ἔχειν βασιλείαν ἐ. τῶν βασιλέων 17:18. ἐξουσίαν ἔχειν ἐ. τινος have power over someone 20:6. διδόναι ἐξουσίαν ἐ. τινος 2:26. καθιστάναι τινὰ ἐ. τινος set someone over, put someone in charge, of someth. or someone (Pla., Rep. 5, 460b; Demosth. 18, 118; Gen 39:4f; 1 Macc 6:14; 10:37; 2 Macc 12:20 al.; EpArist 281; τεταγμένος En 20:5) Mt 24:45; Lk 12:42; Ac 6:3. εἶναι ἐ. τινος (Synes., Ep. 79 p. 224d; Tob 1:22; Jdth 14:13; 1 Macc 10:69) ὸ̔ς ἦν ἐ. πάσης τῆς γάζης αὐτῆς who was in charge of all her treasure 8:27. Of God ὁ ὢν ἐ. πάντων (Apollonius of Tyana [I A.D.] in Eus., PE 4, 13) Ro 9:5; cp. Eph 4:6. ὁ ἐ. τινος w. ὤν to be supplied (Demosth. 18, 247 al.; Diod S 13, 47, 6; Plut., Pyrrh. 385 [5, 7], Aemil. Paul. 267 [23, 6]; PTebt 5, 88 [118 B.C.] ὁ ἐ. τ. προσόδων; 1 Macc 6:28; 2 Macc 3:7; 3 Macc 6:30 al.; EpArist 110; 174) ὁ ἐ. τοῦ κοιτῶνος the chamberlain Ac 12:20.
    w dat. (X., Cyr. 1, 2, 5; 2, 4, 25 al., An. 4, 1, 13; Demosth. 19, 113; Aeschines 2, 73; Esth 8:12e; Just., A II, 5, 2 ἀγγέλοις οὓς ἐ. τούτοις ἔταξε; cp. Ath. 24, 3; Ath. 6, 4 τὸν ἐ. τῇ κινήσει τοῦ σώματος λόγον) Mt 24:47; Lk 12:44.
    w. acc. (X., Hell. 3, 4, 20 al.; Dionys. Byz. §56 θεῷ ἐ. πάντα δύναμις; LXX; PsSol 17:3, 32) βασιλεύειν ἐ. τινα rule over someone (Gen 37:8; Judg 9:15 B al.) Lk 1:33; 19:14, 27; Ro 5:14. καθιστάναι τινὰ ἐ. τινα set someone over someone (X., Cyr. 4, 5, 58) κριτὴν ἐφʼ ὑμᾶς as judge over you Lk 12:14; ἡγούμενον ἐπʼ Αἴγυπτον Ac 7:10; cp. Hb 2:7 v.l. (Ps 8:7); 3:6; 10:21. ἐξουσίαν ἔχειν ἐ. τι Rv 16:9. ἐξουσίαν διδόναι ἐ. τι (Sir 33:20) Lk 9:1; 10:19; Rv 6:8; cp. 22:14. φυλάσσειν φυλακὰς ἐ. τι Lk 2:8 (cp. En 100:5). ὑπεραίρεσθαι ἐ. τινα exalt oneself above someone 2 Th 2:4 (cp. Da 11:36); but here the mng. against is also poss. (s. 12b below). πιστὸς ἐ. τι faithful over someth. Mt 25:21, 23.
    marker of legal proceeding, before, w. acc. in the lang. of the law-courts ἐ. ἡγεμόνας καὶ βασιλεῖς ἄγεσθαι be brought before governors and kings Mt 10:18; cp. Lk 21:12 (cp. BGU 22, 36 [114 A.D.] ἀξιῶ ἀκθῆναι [=ἀχθῆναι] τ. ἐνκαλουμένους ἐ. σὲ πρὸς δέουσαν ἐπέξοδον; Just., A II, 2, 12 ἐ. Οὔρβικον). ὑπάγεις ἐπʼ ἄρχοντα you are going before the magistrate Lk 12:58; cp. Ac 16:19. ἤγαγον αὐτὸν ἐ. τὸν Πιλᾶτον Lk 23:1. ἐ. τοὺς ἀρχιερεῖς Ac 9:21. ἐ. Καίσαρα πορεύεσθαι come before the emperor 25:12. ἐ. τὰς συναγωγάς Lk 12:11. ἐ. τὸ βῆμα Ac 18:12. Cp. 3 above. Here the focus is on transfer to the judiciary.
    marker of purpose, goal, result, to, for, w. acc. (Demetr.: 722 Fgm. 2, 3 Jac. ἐ. κατοικίαν) ἐ. τὸ βάπτισμα for baptism=to have themselves baptized Mt 3:7 (cp. Just., A I, 61, 10 ἐ. τὸ λουτρόν; D. 56, 1 ἐ. τὴν … κρίσιν πεμφθεῖσι). ἐ. τὴν θεωρίαν ταύτην for (i.e. to see) this sight Lk 23:48 (sim. Hom. et al.; POxy 294, 18 [22 A.D.]; LXX; Tat. 23, 2 ἐ. τὴν θέαν). ἐ. τὸ συμφέρον to (our) advantage Hb 12:10 (cp. Tat. 6, 1; 34, 2 οὐκ ἐ. τι χρήσιμον ‘to no purpose’). ἐ. σφαγήν Ac 8:32 (Is 53:7); cp. Mt 22:5; ἐ. τ. τελειότητα Hb 6:1. ἐ. τοῦτο for this (X., An. 2, 5, 22; Jos., Ant. 12, 23) Lk 4:43. ἐφʼ ὅ; for what (reason)? Mt 26:50 v.l. (s. ὅς 1bα and 1iβ). Cp. 16.
    marker of hostile opposition, against
    w. dat. (Hom. et al.; 2 Macc 13:19; Sir 28:23 v.l.; fig. Ath. 22, 7 τοὺς ἐπʼ αὐτοῖς λόγους ‘counter-evidence’) Lk 12:52f (s. use of acc. b below); Ac 11:19. Cp. J 8:7 v.l. (1bβ above).
    w. acc. (Hdt. 1, 71; X., Hell. 3, 4, 20 al.; Jos., Ant. 13, 331; LXX; En; TestJud 3:1 al.; JosAs 19:2; Just., D. 103, 7; Tat. 36, 2) ὥρμησαν ἐ. αὐτόν Ac 7:57. ἔρχεσθαι Lk 14:31. ἐπαναστήσονται τέκνα ἐ. γονεῖς Mt 10:21; Mk 13:12; cp. ἔθνος ἐ. ἔθνος Mt 24:7; Mk 13:8. ἐφʼ ἑαυτόν divided against himself Mt 12:26; Mk 3:24f, 26; Lk 11:17f; cp. J 13:18 (s. Ps 40:10); Ac 4:27; 13:50 al.—Lk 12:53 (4 times; the first and third occurrences w. the acc. are prob. influenced by usage in Mic 7:6; the use of the dat. Lk 12:52f [s. a above] w. a verb expressing a circumstance is in accord with older Gk. [Il. et al.], which prefers the acc. with verbs of motion in ref. to hostility). Cp. 15.
    marker of number or measure, w. acc. (Hdt. et. al.; LXX; GrBar 3:6) ἐ. τρίς (CIG 1122, 9; PHolm α18) three times Ac 10:16; 11:10. So also ἐ. πολύ more than once Hm 4, 1, 8. ἐ. πολύ (also written ἐπιπολύ) in a different sense to a great extent, carefully (Hdt., Thu. et al.; Lucian, D. Deor. 6, 2; 25, 2; 3 Macc 5:17; Jos., Ant. 17, 107) B 4:1. ἐ. πλεῖον to a greater extent, further (Hdt., Thu. et al.; Diod S 11, 60, 5 al.; prob. 2 Macc 12:36; TestGad 7:2; Ar. 4, 3; Ath. 7, 1 ἐ. το πλεῖστον) 2 Ti 3:9; 1 Cl 18:3 (Ps 50:4). ἐ. τὸ χεῖρον 2 Ti 3:13. ἐφʼ ὅσον to the degree that, in so far as (Diod S 1, 93, 2; Maximus Tyr. 11, 3c ἐφʼ ὅσον δύναται; Hierocles 14 p. 451) Mt 25:40, 45; B 4:11; 17:1; Ro 11:13.
    marker indicating the one to whom, for whom, or about whom someth. is done, to, on, about
    w. dat. πράσσειν τι ἐ. τινι do someth. to someone Ac 5:35 (thus Appian, Bell. Civ. 3, 15 §51; cp. δρᾶν τι ἐ. τινι Hdt. 3, 14; Aelian, NA 11, 11); about γεγραμμένα ἐπʼ αὐτῷ J 12:16 (cp. Hdt. 1, 66). προφητεύειν ἐ. τινι Rv 10:11. μαρτυρεῖν bear witness about Hb 11:4; Rv 22:16. ἐ. σοὶ … φανερώσει κύριος τὸ λύτρον the Lord will reveal the salvation to you GJs 7:2.
    w. acc.
    α. ὁ ἄνθρωπος ἐφʼ ὸ̔ν γεγόνει τὸ σημεῖον the man on whom the miracle had been performed Ac 4:22 (cp. Just., D. 128, 1 κρίσεως γεγενημένης ἐ. Σόδομα). ἐφʼ ὸ̔ν λέγεται ταῦτα the one about whom this was said Hb 7:13 (cp. ἐ. πόρρω οὖσαν [γενεὰν] ἐγὼ λαλῶ En 1:2). γέγραπται ἐπʼ αὐτόν Mk 9:12f; cp. Ro 4:9; 1 Ti 1:18; βάλλειν κλῆρον ἐ. τι for someth. Mk 15:24; J 19:24 (Ps 21:19). ἀνέβη ὁ κλῆρος ἐ. Συμεών the lot came up in favor of Simeon GJs 24:4.
    β. of powers, conditions, etc., which come upon someone or under whose influence someone is: on, upon, to, over ἐγένετο ῥῆμα θεοῦ ἐ. Ἰωάννην the word of God came to John Lk 3:2 (cp. Jer 1:1). Of divine blessings (cp. En 1:8; ParJer 5:28) Mt 10:13; 12:28; Lk 10:6; 11:20; cp. 10:9; Ac 10:10. ἵνα ἐπισκηνώσῃ ἐπʼ ἐμὲ ἡ δύναμις τ. Χριστοῦ that the power of Christ may rest upon me 2 Cor 12:9. χάρις θεοῦ ἦν ἐπʼ αὐτό Lk 2:40. Various verbs are used in ref. to the Holy Spirit, either in pass. or act. role, in connection w. ἐ. τινα: ἐκχεῖν Ac 2:17f (Jo 3:1f); cp. 10:45; Tit 3:6. ἀποστέλλειν (ἐξαποστέλλειν v.l.) Lk 24:49. ἐπέρχεσθαι 1:35; Ac 1:8 (Just., D. 87, 3; cp. ἔρχεσθαι A I, 33, 6; D. 49, 7 ἀπὸ τοῦ Ἠλίου ἐ. τὸν Ἰωάννην ἐλθεῖν). ἐπιπίπτειν 10:44. καταβαίνειν Lk 3:22; J 1:33. τίθεσθαι Mt 12:18 (cp. Is 42:1). Also εἶναι Lk 2:25. μένειν J 1:32f. ἀναπαύεσθαι 1 Pt 4:14. Of unpleasant or startling experiences Lk 1:12, 65; 4:36; Ac 13:11; 19:17; Rv 11:11.—Lk 19:43; 21:35, cp. vs. 34; J 18:4; Eph 5:6; cp. Rv 3:3.—Ro 2:2, 9; 15:3 (Ps 68:10). Of the blood of the righteous, that comes over or upon the murderers Mt 23:35; 27:25; Ac 5:28. Of care, which one casts on someone else 1 Pt 5:7 (Ps 54:23).
    marker of feelings directed toward someone, in, on, for, toward, w. acc., after words that express belief, trust, hope: πιστεύειν ἐ. τινα, w. acc. (Wsd 12:2; Just., D. 16:4 al.) Ac 9:42; 11:17; 16:31; 22:19; Ro 4:24. πίστις Hb 6:1. πεποιθέναι (Is 58:14) Mt 27:43; 2 Th 3:4; 2 Cor 2:3. ἐλπίζειν (1 Ch 5:20; 2 Ch 13:18 al.; PsSol 9:10; 17:3; Just., D. 16:4 al.) 1 Pt 1:13; 1 Ti 5:5. After words that characterize an emotion or its expression: for κόπτεσθαι (Zech 12:10) Rv 1:7; 18:9. κλαίειν Lk 23:28; Rv 18:9 (cp. JosAs 15:9 χαρήσεται ἐ. σέ). σπλαγχνίζεσθαι Mt 15:32; Mk 8:2; 9:22; Hm 4, 3, 5; Hs 9, 24, 2. χρηστός toward Lk 6:35. χρηστότης Ro 11:22; Eph 2:7; cp. Ro 9:23. Esp. also if the feelings or their expressions are of a hostile nature: toward, against (cp. λοιδορεῖν Just., D. 137, 2) ἀποτομία Ro 11:22. μαρτύριον Lk 9:5. μάρτυς ἐ. τ. ἐμὴν ψυχήν a witness against my soul (cp. Dssm., LO 258; 355 [LAE 304; 417]) 2 Cor 1:23. ἀσχημονεῖν 1 Cor 7:36. μοιχᾶσθαι Mk 10:11. τολμᾶν 2 Cor 10:2 (En 7:4). βρύχειν τ. ὀδόντας Ac 7:54. Cp. 12.
    marker of object or purpose, with dat. in ref. to someth. (Hom., Thu. et al.; SIG 888, 5 ἐ. τῇ τῶν ἀνθρ. σωτηρίᾳ; PTebt 44, 6 [114 B.C.] ὄντος μου ἐ. θεραπείᾳ ἐν τῷ Ἰσιείω; LXX; TestJob 3:5 ὁ ἐ. τῇ σωτηρίᾳ τῆς ἐμῆς ψυχῆς ἐλθών; Jos., Ant. 5, 101; Just., A I, 29, 1 ἐ. παίδων ἀναστροφῇ; D. 91, 4 ἐ. σωτηρίᾳ τῶν πιστευόντων) καλείν τινα ἐ. τινι call someone for someth. Gal 5:13 (on ἐπʼ ἐλευθερίᾳ cp. Demosth. 23, 124; [59], 32); ἐ. ἀκαθαρσίᾳ for impurity, i.e. so that we should be impure 1 Th 4:7. κτισθέντες ἐ. ἔργοις ἀγαθοῖς for good deeds Eph 2:10. λογομαχεῖν ἐ. καταστροφῇ τῶν ἀκουόντων for the ruin of those who hear 2 Ti 2:14 (cp. Eur., Hipp. 511; X., Mem. 2, 3, 19 ἐ. βλάβη; Hdt. 1, 68 ἐ. κακῷ ἀνθρώπου; Polyb. 27, 7, 13 and PGM 4, 2440 ἐπʼ ἀγαθῷ=‘for good’). Cp. 11.
    marker in idiom of authorization, w. dat.: the formula ἐ. τῷ ὀνοματί τινος, in the name of someone, used w. many verbs (Just., D. 39, 6 w. γίνεσθαι, otherw. ἐ. ὀνόματος, e.g. A I, 61, 13; w. διὰ τοῦ ὀ. and in oaths κατὰ τοῦ ὀ. A II, 6, 6, D. 30, 3; 85, 2.—Ath. 23, 1 ἐ. ὀνόματι εἰδώλων.—ἐν τῷ ὀνόματι LXX; JosAs 9:1), focuses on the authorizing function of the one named in the gen. (cp. WHeitmüller [‘Im Namen Jesu’ 1903, 13ff], ‘in connection with, or by the use of, i.e. naming, or calling out, or calling upon the name’ [88]): βαπτίζειν Ac 2:38. δέχεσθαί τινα Mt 18:5; Mk 9:37; Lk 9:48. διδάσκειν Ac 4:18; 5:28. δύναμιν ποιεῖν Mk 9:39. ἐκβάλλειν δαιμόνια Lk 9:49 v.l. ἔρχεσθαι Mt 24:5; Mk 13:6; Lk 21:8. κηρύσσειν 24:47. λαλεῖν Ac 4:17; 5:40. Semantically divergent from the preceding, but formulaically analogous, is καλεῖν τινα ἐ. τῷ ὀν. τινος name someone after someone (2 Esdr 17:63) Lk 1:59.—ὄνομα 1dγג.—M-M.
    marker of temporal associations, in the time of, at, on, for
    w. gen., time within which an event or condition takes place (Hom.+) in the time of, under (kings or other rulers): in the time of Elisha Lk 4:27 (cp. Just., D. 46, 6 ἐ. Ἠλίου). ἐ. τῆς μετοικεσίας at the time of the exile Mt 1:11. Under=during the rule or administration of (Hes., Op. 111; Hdt. 6, 98 al.; OGI 90, 15; PAmh 43, 2 [173 B.C.]; UPZ 162 V, 5 [117 B.C.]; 1 Esdr 2:12; 1 Macc 13:42; 2 Macc 15:22; Jos., Ant. 12, 156 ἐ. ἀρχιερέως Ὀ.) ἐ. Ἀβιαθὰρ ἀρχιερέως under, in the time of, Abiathar the high priest Mk 2:26. ἐ. ἀρχιερέως Ἅννα καὶ Καιάφα Lk 3:2. ἐ. Κλαυδίου Ac 11:28 (Just., A I, 26, 2). ἐ. τῶν πατέρων in the time of the fathers 1 Cl 23:3. ἐπʼ ἐσχάτων τῶν ἡμερῶν in the last days (Gen 49:1; Num 24:14; Mi 4:1; Jer 37:24; Da 10:14) 2 Pt 3:3; Hs 9, 12, 3; cp. Hb 1:2. ἐπʼ ἐσχάτου τοῦ χρόνου in the last time Jd 18. ἐπʼ ἐσχάτου τῶν χρόνων at the end of the times/ages 1 Pt 1:20. ἐ. τῶν προσευχῶν μου when I pray, in my prayers (cp. PTebt 58, 31 [111 B.C.] ἐ. τ. διαλόγου, ‘in the discussion’; 4 Macc 15:19 ἐ. τ. βασάνων ‘during the tortures’; Sir 37:29; 3 Macc 5:40; Demetr.: 722, Fgm. 1, 14 Jac. ἐ. τοῦ ἀρίστου; Synes., Ep. 121 p. 258c ἐ. τῶν κοινῶν ἱερῶν) Ro 1:10; Eph 1:16; 1 Th 1:2; Phlm 4.
    w. dat., time at or during which (Hom. et al.; PTebt 5, 66 [118 B.C.]; PAmh 157; LXX; Just., A I, 13, 3 ἐ. χρόνοις Τίερίου) at, in, at the time of, during: ἐ. τοῖς νῦν χρόνοις in these present times 2 Cl 19:4. ἐ. τῇ πρώτῃ διαθήκῃ at the time of the first covenant Hb 9:15. ἐ. συντελείᾳ τ. αἰώνων at the close of the age 9:26 (Tat. 13, 1 ἐ. ς. τοῦ κόσμου; cp. Sir 22:10 and PLond III, 954, 18 p. 154 [260 A.D.] ἐ. τέλει τ. χρόνου; POxy 275, 20 [66 A.D.] ἐ. συνκλεισμῷ τ. χρόνου; En 27:3 ἐπʼ ἐσχάτοις αἰώσιν). ἐ. τῇ θυσίᾳ at the time of, together with, the sacrifice Phil 2:17. ἐ. πάσῃ τῇ μνείᾳ ὑμῶν at every remembrance of you Phil 1:3. ἐ. παροργισμῷ ὑμῶν during your wrath, i.e. while you are angry Eph 4:26. ἐ. πάσῃ τῇ ἀνάγκῃ in all (our) distress 1 Th 3:7b. ἐ. πάσῃ τῇ θλίψει 2 Cor 1:4. ἐ. τούτῳ in the meanwhile J 4:27 (Lucian, Dial. Deor. 17, 2, cp. Philops. 14 p. 41; Syntipas p. 76, 2 ἐφʼ ἡμέραις ἑπτα; 74, 6).
    w. acc.
    α. answering the question ‘when?’ on: ἐ. τὴν αὔριον (Sb 6011, 14 [I B.C.]; PRyl 441 ἐ. τὴν ἐπαύριον) (on) the next day Lk 10:35; Ac 4:5. ἐ. τὴν ὥραν τ. προσευχῆς at the hour of prayer 3:1 (Polyaenus 8, 17 ἐ. ὥραν ὡρισμένην).
    β. answering the qu. ‘how long?’ for, over a period of (Hom. et al.; Mitt-Wilck. II/2, 170, 8=BGU 1058, 9 [13 B.C.]; POxy 275, 9; 15 ἐ. τὸν ὅλον χρόνον; PTebt 381, 19 ἐφʼ ὸ̔ν χρόνον περίεστιν ἡ μήτηρ; LXX; En 106:15; TestJob 30:2 ἐ. ὥρας τρεῖς; TestJud 3:4; TestGad 5:11; Jos., Ant. 11, 2; Just., D. 142, 1 ἐ. ποσόν ‘for awhile’) ἐ. ἔτη τρία for three years (Phlegon: 257 Fgm. 36, 2, 1 Jac.) Lk 4:25. ἐ. τρεῖς ἡμέρας for three days (Diod S 13, 19, 2; Arrian, Anab. 4, 9, 4; GDI 4706, 119 [Thera] ἐπʼ ἀμέρας τρεῖς) GPt 8:30 al. ἐ. ἡμέρας πλείους over a period of many days (Jos., Ant. 4, 277) Ac 13:31.—16:18 (ἐ. πολλὰς ἡμέρας as Appian, Liby. 29 §124; cp. Diod S 3, 16, 4); 17:2; 19:8, 10, 34; 27:20; Hb 11:30. ἐ. χρόνον for a while (cp. Il. 2, 299; Hdt. 9, 22, 1; Apollon. Rhod. 4, 1257; Jos., Vi. 2) Lk 18:4. ἐ. πλείονα χρόνον (Diod S 3, 16, 6; Hero Alex. I p. 344, 17) Ac 18:20. ἐφʼ ὅσον χρόνον as long as Ro 7:1; 1 Cor 7:39; Gal 4:1. Also ἐφʼ ὅσον as long as Mt 9:15; 2 Pt 1:13 (for other mngs. of ἐφʼ ὅσον s. above under 13). ἐφʼ ἱκανόν (sc. χρόνον) for a considerable time (EpArist 109) Ac 20:11. ἐ. χρόνον ἱκανόν Qua. ἐ. πολύ for a long time, throughout a long period of time (Thu. 1, 7; 1, 18, 1; 2, 16, 1 al.; Appian, Liby. 5 §21; Arrian, Cyneg. 23, 1; Lucian, Toxar. 20; Wsd 18:20; Sir 49:13; JosAs 19:3; Jos., Vi. 66: Just., A I, 65, 3) Ac 28:6. ἐ. πλεῖον the same (schol. on Pind., N. 7, 56b; PLille 3, 16 [III B.C.]; Jdth 13:1; Sir prol. l. 7; Jos., Ant. 18, 150) Ac 20:9; any longer (Lucian, D. Deor. 5, 3; Appian, Hann. 54 §227; 3 Macc 5:8; Wsd 8:12; Ath. 12, 3) Ac 24:4; 1 Cl 55:1.

    Ελληνικά-Αγγλικά παλαιοχριστιανική Λογοτεχνία > ἐπί

  • 8 révéler

    révéler [ʀevele]
    ➭ TABLE 6
    1. transitive verb
       a. to reveal
       b. [+ artiste] [imprésario] to discover ; [œuvre] to bring to fame
    2. reflexive verb
       a. [vérité, talent, tendance] to be revealed
       b. [artiste] to come into one's own
       c. se révéler cruel/ambitieux to show o.s. to be cruel/ambitious
    se révéler difficile/aisé to prove difficult/easy
    * * *
    ʀevele
    1.
    1) ( dévoiler) to reveal, to disclose [fait, chiffres, nom] (à to); to give away [secret] (à to)
    2) ( indiquer) to show
    3) ( faire connaître) [œuvre] to make [somebody] known [auteur, acteur] (à to); [éditeur, imprésario] to discover, to launch [auteur, artiste]
    4) Photographie to develop

    2.
    se révéler verbe pronominal ( être finalement)
    * * *
    ʀevele vt
    1) [fait, étude] to show
    2) [personne] to disclose, to reveal
    3) (= dénoter) to reveal, to show

    révéler qn/qch — to make sb/sth known, to bring sb/sth to the public's notice

    * * *
    révéler verb table: céder
    A vtr
    1 ( dévoiler) [presse, personne] to reveal, to disclose [fait, chiffres, nom] (à to); to give away [secret] (à to); révéler le contenu d'un dossier to disclose the contents of a file; révéler que to reveal that;
    2 ( indiquer) to reveal, to show [nature, personnalité]; to show [talent, sentiment]; les sondages révèlent un changement d'attitude the polls show a shift in attitude; ce livre révèle un grand écrivain this book shows the author to be a major writer; sa robe révèle la finesse de sa taille her dress shows off her slender waist;
    3 ( faire connaître) [œuvre] to make [sb] known [auteur, acteur] (à to); [éditeur, imprésario] to discover, to launch [auteur, artiste]; cela l'a révélée à elle-même it gave her a great deal of personal insight;
    4 Phot to develop.
    1 ( devenir célèbre) to make one's name ou mark;
    2 ( être finalement) se révéler faux/important to turn out to be wrong/important; se révéler être to turn out ou prove to be;
    3 Relig Dieu s'est révélé à God revealed Himself to; se révéler comme un grand pianiste to emerge as a great pianist;
    4 ( se manifester) [goût, sensation] to be revealed (à to).
    [revele] verbe transitif
    1. [secret, information, intention] to reveal
    [état de fait] to reveal, to bring to light
    [vérité] to reveal, to tell
    a. [intentionnellement] she revealed my secret
    b. [involontairement] she gave away my secret
    2. [montrer - don, qualité, anomalie] to reveal, to show
    3. [faire connaître]
    ————————
    se révéler verbe pronominal intransitif
    1. [s'avérer]
    se révéler coûteux/utile to prove (to be) expensive/useful
    elle se révéla piètre vendeuse she turned out ou proved to be a poor salesgirl
    2. [se faire connaître] to be revealed ou discovered, to come to light

    Dictionnaire Français-Anglais > révéler

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